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Title 



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mu m mimn w imm. 



THEIE VICTIMS. 



BY A SWEDE. 



NEW YORK: 

S. W BENEDICT, 16 SPRUCE STREET. 

1848. 



NATIONS OF EUROPE! 



The following pages are addressed to you by one who, for 
many years has advocated the rights you are now so nobly vin- 
dicating, and who has spent a great part of his life in composing 
a History which depicts in true colors, the causes that for thou- 
sands of years have made you the victims of despotism. 

Listen a moment to the voice of a true friend, who has taken 
much pains to make himself acquainted with your enemies as 
well as with both your real and your pretended friends, and you 
will he informed of the plans both of the former and of the latter ; 
you will learn to know those persons on whom, in the ensuing 
struggle, you may confidently rely. But, in order to give you a 
clear insight into the designs of your enemies, and of the means 
by which you may attain that rational freedom you ought long 
since to have possessed, we must turn our eyes to what has taken 
place in Europe from that time, you were, by false promises and 
every artifice of deception, induced to lavish your blood in the 
fratricidal wars of 1813, 14, and 15. 

Nothing may seem more false, yet, nothing is nevertheless 
more true, than that the cause of liberty and the principles of de- 
mocracy suffered a most deplorable defeat, in the downfall of the 
imperial eagles of France. In consequence of the victory the 
princes and the aristocrats of Europe then gained over Napoleon 
— the champion of democracy, the friend of the people, and 
the formidable enemy of leg-ilimate tdngs — the powerful foes of 
the people were enabled to trample under foot for fifteen years, 
no less those who were defeated than those who had been the 
instruments of their triumph. They who afterwards dared to 
ask for that freedom which had been so profusely promised, were 
punished with iron rods and treated with more rigor than if they 
had been the greatest of criminals. 

Of all the schemes employed by princes, priests, and aristo- 
crats, since the fall of the Roman Western empire, to crush the 
spirit of liberty in Europe, the most formidable was the Alliance 

1 



blasphemously called Holy; yet we are compelled in justice to 
say, that the humane feelings of the Emperor Alexander of 
Russia, and the earnest desire on the part of the Emperor of 
Austria and King of Prussia to establish pi rmanent peace, first 
induced these monarchs to conclude this alliance with a view to 
preserve Europe from the caiamilies of war. But being men of 
narrow minds and governed by prejudices, they regarded the 
French revolution of 1789, as the sole cause of all the misfor- 
tunes they had suffered, and of those to which Europe for twenty- 
five years had been exposed. They were, therefore, easily con- 
vinced by the crafty statesmen who were at the head of the aris- 
tocratic party on the contment of Europe, and to whose hands 
they had committed their affairs, that in order to preserve peace, 
it- was necessary to guard against popular movements ; such 
movements being said to be the most fertile sources of war, and 
apt not only to subvert the power of the legitimate monarchs, 
but to realize the damnable doctrine of the sovereignty of the 
people. Thus the confederation of these powerful princes, in- 
stead of being a blessing to mankind, diffusing happiness and 
prosperity wherever its influence was felt, became a curse which 
blasted the fruits which had already begun to blossom on the 
tree of liberty, and spread blight and barrenness to regions which 
had indulged a hope of political emancipation. 

To the doctrine of divine right — the doctrine which insinuates 
that kings have received their power not from th ? people, but 
directly from God — that nations have no right to dethrone their 
rulers or restrain them by laws — such prominence was given as 
suited the views, or at least the interests of the aristocracy. This 
doctrine was the broad foundation upon which the Holy Alliance 
was established. 

Eternal peace between the monarchs themselves and happi- 
ness to the people, were pronounced to be the great objects at 
which the illustrious members of the Holy Alliance aimed ; but 
at the same time care was taken that the people should be taught 
not only to submit to the means, but also to consider them as the 
very best which the allied princes could employ in order to at- 
tain their benevolent and desirable purposes. But it was soon 
discovered what the people had to expect, notwithstanding all the 
specious arguments which w°ere used, and all the fair promises 
which were held out. The liberty of the press was restrained, 
strict censorship was established, under which literary productions 
must pass, and personal persecutions were instituted against liberal 
writers who dared to stand forth in def?>nce of the rights of the 
people, and against such persons as were even suspected of en- 
tertaining ideas favorable to freedom. Instructions were given to 
the most of the Cabinets of Europe, cautiously but effectively to 
suppress the principles of democracy; and ihey were informed 



.hat fhey had to expect the aid of the Holy Alliance, in cases of 
popular movements or attempts to change the established order of 
public affairs. 

The Holy Alliance promised the people happiness ; but what 
happiness, and under what condition did the allied kings offer 
them this boon? We may imagine those grasping princes to 
have spoken thus — the expressions are ours — the spirit is theirs : 
" You men of the people must work by day and often by night, 
living as sparingly as possible, that you may be the belter able to 
pay the taxes which we are pleased to impose upon you. You 
must believe everything which writers, bought by us and paid 
with your money, choose to tell you. You must have implicit 
confidence in our wisdom, and in those who stand around the 
thrones which God has given to us and to our children for an 
everlasting possession. You must look upon our servants, and 
the children of the servants of our royal ancestors, as being 
worthy of your highest reverence, whose privileges and preroga- 
tives it were sacrilege to violate. You must consider yourselves 
happy — yes, very happy in being permitted by your obedience 
to the laws which we may promulgate for your guidance — to give 
us proofs of your loyalty ; and that you may have new causes to 
rejoice, we hereby inform you that we — the gods of wars upon the 
earth, — have resolved to live in peace with each other, at least for 
a while, and that we therefore in the meantime, dispense with 
your services as blood-hounds ; always reserving the right to 
have your sons drilled by our nobles, with lashes — that when 
we are disposed to amuse ourselves with martial tragedies, they 
may act the part of puppets with honor to our sovereign selves. 
Slaves, hearken I Forget not that you are sentenced to eternal 
thraldom, else we will inflict upon you your due punishment. 
Listen not to men who speak of freedom, on pain of death. 
Remember that it is yours to sow the seed — ours to reap the 
harvest. Work, therefore, and pay the taxes, as God in the laws 
directs, and be grateful that you are permitted to breathe." 

Notwithstanding all this, the Holy Alliance was viewed by 
the European nations, excepting by a few sagacious individuals, 
as the greatest advantage to humanity in general, and to Europe 
in particular. Moreover, this conviction was corroborated by 
the high repute in which the private virtues of the most of the 
confederated princes, and especially those of the Emperor Alex- 
der, were universally held. Besides, it is so very natural that we 
believe in what we hope for. But experience soon taught us 
something quite the reverse to our expectation ; yet the innate 
love of freedom rendered noble minds inaccessible to fear, and 
many resolved to defy the wrath of those at whose nod millions 
of executioners would stand forth. Many rose in defence of the 
violated rights, but those glorious champions of liberty were soon 



crushed by the well-trained forces of the confederated princes. 
Austria executed the sentence passed upon the sons of sunny 
Italy by artful and unscrupulous politicians and weak kings. 
And, alas! France, forgetting for a time her duty, was led on by 
the Bourbons and their creatures, to crush the young spirit of 
freedom which had be^un to gather strength in Spain. The 
generous friends of human rights became the objects of general 
persecution throughout Europe. Suspicions gave birth to tyran- 
ny, and fear of revenge demanded new^ victims. The Liberals 
were dragged to prison and condemned to endure the most bar- 
barous severities. Some were imprisoned for life, or for many 
years, in the most frightful dungeons; others were exposed in 
the pillories, as if it were possible to degrade by such measures 
noble-minded men. Some were exiled from their native country 
or sent to galleys ; others were driven to the wilderness of Sibe^ 
ria, and many were led to the scaffold to expiate with their blood 
the heinous crime of loving to be free. 

Thus in consequence 'of the maxims of the Holy Alliance and 
the German confederation, which latter was built upon equally 
despotic principles as the former, enormous sufferings were in* 
flicled upon bleeding Europe ; but nevertheless, there were 
writers, and very many too, even of eminent abilities, who were 
profuse in their praises of these diabolical associations of princes 
for the suppression of freedom. Much cause as we have to blame 
the allied monarchs and their ministers, and the aristocratic party 
as a whole, we have far more reason to express our detestation 
of men who, from their literary acquirements, ought to have had 
full knowledge of their criminality, but who, notwithstanding, dis- 
honored themselves, and disgraced human nature, by advancing 
arguments in favor of despotism — arguments which they must 
have been fully aware to be inconsistent with reason, justice, and 
humanity. But the favors of princes, the gracious smiles of states- 
men, the insidious familiarity of courtiers, and pecuniary bribes 
of wealthy aristocrats, were irresistible temptations to the vain, 
the weak, and the venal ; and on the other hand, the revengeful 
persecution of the powerful, the versatility of popularity, and the 
scanty provision which liberty generally makes for her cham- 
pions, were strong inducements to the cowardly, the interested, and 
the luxurious, to desert the standard of freedom. It need not, 
therefore, surprise us that so many hundreds, nay, thousands — 
and among them so many distinguished men — should have 
brought their offerings to the temples where vain-glorious kings 
were worshipped as gods, and there sacrificed on the altars of 
irrationality and despotism. 

It would be unjust to accuse the politicians who planned the 
Holy Alliance, and the German Confederation, of bloody de- 
signs ; and still more unjust it would be to impute such inten- 



lions to all Ihe monarchs themselves. But having built a political 
system upon despotic principles and selfishness, without the least 
regard to the just claims of the people ; and having appropriated 
to themselves a power incompatible with the rights of man, and 
suitable ideas of his dignity, they had little reason to expect im- 
plicit obedience. But by sophistical reasoning, or confidence in 
their own infallibility, they resolved to view all disapproval of 
.their principles and actions, as criminal— to declare every attempt 
at opposing their will, high treason — and every resolution of the 
people to limit the power of their rulers, rebellion. Thinking 
themselves accordingly justified in punishing every such offence, 
they were involved by degrees in a series of enormities which 
compare with the most atrocious deeds of the worst tyrants of 
antiquity ; and which will compel the impartial historian to hand 
down to posterity the names of so many exalted persons of our 
lime, with imperishable infamy. 

None of the European tyrants of latter times was more des- 
picable, and deserves more our condemnation, than Ferdinand 
VII., who, as soon as he had returned from his captivity in 
France, hastened to teach the Spaniards how foolish they had 
been to sacrifice their blood in his cause, and in that of monks 
and aristocrats. It was, however, very natural to those who 
were unacquainted with the principles and the ingratitude of 
royalty in general, to suppose that Ferdinand, on his return 
would feel inclined and obliged to surround himself by the 
champions of his pretended right to the Spanish throne, and of 
the independence of Spain. But those who entertained such 
thoughts, soon became aware that Ferdinand was determined to 
follow the dictates of a different policy. Selfish, narrow-minded, 
ungenerous, and biojoted, or hypocritical, as he was, he felt no 
inclination to sacrifice a jot of his pretended prerogatives — or 
those of the priests and monks who ruled his cowardly heart — 
to the just claims of the true friends in behalf of the Spaniards. 
He viewed their terrible struggle against the forces of Napoleon 
in no other light than as an absolute duty, incumbent upon them 
in vindication of his violated rights. The word liberty, which 
so frequently had been used to excite the Spaniards to incessant 
efforts against the French, was interpreted as signifying the 
absolute power of the king, and the still more despotic one of 
the priesthood ; and all who would not admit the justice of this 
interpretation, were deemed by Ferdinand and his counsellors 
as rebellious subjects, worthy of severe punishment. 

The first step of Ferdinand on his return to Spain, was to 
prove that he was determined to reign, not as a constitutional 
king, whose right to the throne was founded upon the will of 
the people, but as a master over slaves, who were his lawful in- 
heritance, and whose attempts to prescribe him laws, were crimes 



which their former devotion in his cause would not in the least 
excuse. It then became manifest that many of the nobles, and 
the clergy in general, but particularly the monks, had excited the 
Spaniards to make war against Joseph Napoleon ; not because, 
his mounting the Spanish throne had infringed the independence 
of Spain, but because he had broken asunder the letters by which 
the nobility and the clergy had kept the people of Spain in 
corporeal and spiritual slavery. The king and the privileged 
classes began to conspire together, to quench the sparks of liberty 
which the war of independence had kindled in Spain. In order 
to accomplish this abominable plan, Ferdinand refused, under 
various frivolous pretences, to go to Madrid, and take the oath 
to support the constitution of 1S12, and assembled in Valencia, 
under the command of that monster. General EUio, an army of 
45,000 executioners. Surrounded by this formidable power, he 
openly avowed his real sentiments, and declared, by a decree of 
the 4th of May, 1814, the constitution of 1812 annulled. Aided 
by the priesthood, who imposed upon the ignorance of the peo- 
ple, despotism won an easy victory over the friends of freedom. 
It became now evident, that with the exception of a small num- 
ber, the Spaniards had fought against Joseph Napoleon, not in 
the cause of liberty, but in that of their tyrants. 

From Valencia, Ferdinand sent out his bands of privileged 
murderers, who, instigated by the blasphemous war-whoops of the 
monks, sallied forth with more than brutal ferocity, in persecution 
of the Constitutionalists, and killed without mercy all those who 
came within their reach. Scarcely six thousand of the noblest 
men in Spain, and among them the heroic Mina, were able to 
save their lives by seeking refuge in foreign countries. The 
English Tory ministry and the confederated princes, who had 
hypocritically exhorted the people of Europe to rise in defence 
of liberty against Napoleon, took not a single step in defence of 
those brave Spaniards, who had contributed so much to the 
defeat of the imperial forces, but saw with indifference how they 
were butchered, or exiled on the command of an infamous king, 
and by the instigation of villanous priests. But it was no 
wonder, because we now know that the allied monarchs, and the 
British ministers, in despite of their high-sounding declarations 
of love of liberty, haled nothing so much as this word, when it 
was claimed as the property of a nation, and that nothing was in 
their eyes deserving of a severer punishment, than the avowal of 
such a pretension. 

Every measure was then taken to reduce the Spaniards to that 
contemptible state, from which their mistaken but heroic efforts 
against the reign of Joseph Napoleon, had for a while aroused 
them. Butafterhavingcrushed the liberals, Ferdinand was him- 
self rendered the slave of the Camarilla, the notorious combination 



of his nearest attendants. They, as generally is the case with 
courtiers, gloried arrogantly in their triumph, not the least suspect- 
ing that liberty would drive them from their stronghold. But 
they were on a sudden rendered conscious of the power of this 
deity, whom they had so cruelly treated and so stupidly scorned. 

The brave Colonel Quiroga, and the chivalrous Rafael del 
Riego, put themselves at the head of the troops which were to 
be sent from Spain, to subdue the freedom of the Spanish colo- 
nies in South America, taking the glorious resolution rather to 
attempt the deliverance oi' the Spanish people from the tyranny 
of a monk-ridden king, than to extend his despotic powers over 
those, who, sword in hand, had made themselves free. This 
generous resolution was for a while followed by the most happy 
consequences. In general, the Spanish people embraced the cause 
of freedom, and without being able to make scarcely any resist- 
ance, the king was obliged to swear adherence to the constitution. 
Every true patriot hoped that this revolution of 1820, would 
restore the happiness, and also, to a great extent, the ancient 
lustre of Spain. Bnt the malady was too deeply rooted to be 
checked by such an easy cure ; and besides the patient was not 
permitted to be left in the hands of his proper physicians — the 
most enlightened friends of liberty among the Spaniards them- 
selves. The only means to heal the wounds of Spain, was 
rational liberty ; but this means was viewed by the members of 
the Holy Alliance — the self-constituted tutors of the European 
people — as the grossest violation of the rights of princes, and 
thus deserving of the severest chastisement. 

It must also be acknowledged that the Spaniards, in general, 
by their superstition and their ignorance, w^ere then very unfit 
to make a proper use of liberty ; and it appears, it is the will 
of Providence that the generation v^diich saw the revolution of 
1820, should vanish from the earth before Spain will come in 
possession of the heavenly gift of a tranquil enjoyment of a free 
form of government. 

The superstitious tenets which the priests in general, from 
their ignorance and self-interests, inculcated in the minds of the 
people the culpable habits of the monks, the examples of their 
lazy life, had, in conjunction with the terrible consequences of 
the despotism of the Inquisition, and of the insatiable thirst after 
the riches of South America, — by degrees, in the course of 
the last centuries, corrupted the national character. Superstition 
made the people tremble for the wrath of wretched monks ; ig- 
norance prevented them from perceiving their true interests ; 
idleness had changed their natural generosity into ferociouB 
rapacity; and their inferiority in discipline and experience in the 
struggle with the French, had degraded their proud and manly 
bravery to the abominable temerity of assassins. Add to this 



10 

a revengefulness which nothing but blood could satisfy, and you 
must concede that ihey bore within themselves seeds enough for 
producing the most atrocious acts of internal discord. The 
powerful enemies of freedom, fully acquainted with this deplora- 
ble state, resolved, without the least remorse, to take advantage 
of it, and thus forward their own detestable interests; their 
congenial friends, the Bourbons, made P'rance the instrument of 
executing their purpose. 

Soon after the opening of the Cortes, the 6th of July, 1820, it 
was very evident that many ititrigues were at work, not only on 
the part of the king and the priests, but also on that of foreign 
powers, the object ol which was to hinder the true patriots from 
effecting any good. The Spaniards became, by these means, 
divided into two great parties — the Absolutists and the ConstitU" 
tionalists. On the side of the former were ranged despotism, 
prerogatives, prejudices, ignorance, superstition, and priestcraft, 
confiding in the promises of the members of the Holy Alliance; 
and on that of the latter, justice, humanity, knowledge, the sacred 
rights of man, love of liberty, and superior talents, animated by the 
lately acquired victory. But the contending parties soon appeal- 
ed from words to arms, as the most effective means of deciding 
the question. The better cause at first proved victorious, and 
the brave Mina compelled the soldiers of the faith, as the Abso- 
lutists were called, to seek refuge in P>ance ; but when the 
contemptible government of that country, in conformity with the 
resolution of the Holy Alliance, joined its valiant warriors with 
the beaten soldiers of the faith, then the cause of despotism and 
priestcraft triumphed again. 

To the eternal disgrace of Spain, history has to relate that 
100,000 French, under the command of the Duke of Angouleme, 
were permitted, without any glorious resistance, to conquer its 
liberty, and lay itself bound at the feet of a perjured king and 
merciless priests— a new proof that it was not noble love of 
freedom which had animated the plurality of the Spaniards, the 
degenerated descendants of glorious ancestors, to brave the expe- 
rienced soldiers of Napoleon. Nay, infuriated by superstition 
and the artifices of the monks, and slaves of their own blindnesF, 
ihey had rushed, as madmen, headlong in the most desperate 
battles, but without deserving to be honored as glorious champi- 
ons of liberty. And there are monks among the Spaniards frank 
enough to acknowledge, that the contciut against Napoleon was 
less a struggle for freedom, than for the sake of the Ruly Virgin — 
that is, for the interests of the clergy. 

A long list of unheard-of sufferings first opened the eyes of the 
Spaniards to the great folly of having spilled their blood in the 
cause of the eternal enemies of freedom ; and many of them, 
who most violently opposed the good-natured Joseph Napoleon, 



11 

have since acknowledged their errors, and cursed those vampyres 
of Spain — the myriads of hypocritical priests and licentious 
friars, who led them astray. But this is only one of the innume- 
rable instances we meet with in history, where nations have been 
led into furious outbreaks against their well-wishers, and have 
been cajoled with open arms to receive those who where to bind 
them with shameful chains. 

The French, cheated by the prospect of the military glory Ihey 
were to acquire, overlooked how ignominiously they were treated 
by the Holy Alliance and the Bourbons, by being made the instru- 
ments of reducing the Spaniards to slavery, marched through 
Spain in triumph, and compelled the Constitutionalists, who had 
taken to their last refuge in Cadiz, to restore to the king his abso- 
lute power. The first use the wretched Ferdinand made of it 
was to break his oath, and to declare all the decrees which were 
passed between the 7ih of March, 1820, and the 11th of October, 
1823, null and void. Now the bloody persecutions against the 
Liberals began again ; and it must not be forgotten, tothe honor 
of the French army of invasion, that those of the Spaniards who 
then were hunted as wild beasts, found in the French warriors 
efiective protection against the enormous outrages of the most 
bloodthirsty among the Absolutists. It is here to be observed, 
that the Tories, who continued the ruling party in England, took 
not a step to prevent the invasion of Spain by the French; and 
hence we may be assured that these aristocrats never have 
cared for the liberty of Spain. 

In order to keep the Constitutionalists from gathering strength, 
a French army of 45,000 men remained in Spain ; but experience 
soon rendered it evident, that the king had less to fear from the 
Liberals than from the most furious among the Absol 



lutists. 



This party then became divided into two factions, viz. : the one 
consisting of those who thought it most proper to use the victory 
with some moderation, and the olher formed by those, who 
driven by fanaticism and an insatiable thirst after blood, cried for 
revenge, inquisition, and the Jesuits. The former remained 
faithful to th * king; but the latter, contending that his measures 
were too mild, and that he, by the insidious counsels of the 
French, had been prevailed upon to sacrifice the rights of the 
throne and of the church, viewed Don Carlos, Ferdinand's 
brother, as a more fit instrument for realising their infernal plans, 
and therefore took the resolution, in violation of their own 
acknowledged principles, to attempt to dethrone the king. 

It is easy to form an idea how violent the intentions of the 
Carlists were, when we know that even the abominable severity 
with which Ferdinand treated the Liberals, was not enough 
to satisfy their revenge against this party — but, that in conse- 
quence of their displeasure with the king's too great forbearance^ 



12 

as they said, with the friends of freedom, they took up arms 
against his authority. Only by the most cruel measures was Ge- 
neral d'Espagna — a man fit for similar barbarities — able to sup- 
press the revolt in Catalonia, in which the chief actors, or at least 
instigators, were priests and monks — the declared friends of Don 
Carlos. Ferdinand, however, viewing his brother as the principal 
cause of these seditions, contracted against him an implacable 
hatred, and resolved to take ample revenge by excluding him 
from the succession of the throne. Though his motive cannot be 
approved of, the fact itself deserves praise, because Don Carlos 
was quite unworthy of the purple. It is generally believed that 
his revengeful feeling against his brother was Ferdinand's principal 
inducement to his fourth and last marriage, with a view of obtain- 
ing an heir to his diadem. His youthful Queen, the Neapolitan 
Princess Maria Christina, accomplished in part his wishes, by 
giYing birth to a daughter in 1880. But as the Salic-law, which 
regulated the succession in Spain, excludes females from the in- 
heritance of the throne — so long as a male relative of the deceas- 
ed king exists — Ferdinand declared this law void, and his daugh- 
ter his lawful successor. Thus he did all in his power to satisfy 
his hatred ; and this act, originating from such an impure foun- 
tain, was perhaps the only one, which, during the whole course 
of his contemptible life, merits universal approbation. 

I will not speak of the attempts of the Italians to regain their 
independence ; because, glorious as these attempts were for a 
small number of heroic Iriends of freedom, they were not sup- 
ported by the great majority of the people of Italy in a manner 
worthy of praise. But a noble nation cannot long bear with pa- 
tience the just reproach of cowardice. We will, therefore, un- 
doubtedly now see how the Italians, by valorous deeds in vindi- 
cation of their rights, will blot out from the pages of history the 
infamy which they have deserved by enduring so long the yoke 
of arrogant foreigners. 

The attempts at establishing freedom in Spain and Italy being 
frustrated, the cause of princes and aristocrats bore a triumphant 
aspect. But, nevertheless, there is much reason to presume, that 
the Emperor Alexander himself, before his death, was made sen- 
«ible that he was pursuing a very wrong course. The noble sen- 
timents which unquestionably had their dwelling in his breast, 
had neither by self-conceit, nor by the artful insinuations of cup- 
ning and unscrupulous politicians, been quite stifled ; and there 
ig some reason to think, that this powerful monarch fell a victim 
of an internal struggle between hi.s better feelings and his false 
fear of dishonoring himself by altering the course of policy he had 
been led to pursue. Poor reparation for all the sufferings he had 
caused humanity, by having listened to his own prejudices, and 
the subtle persuasions of interested aristocrats I but nevertheless 



13 

deserving to be sounded m the ears of his energetic successor — 
that consummate despot who now wields the imperial sceptre of 
Sarmalia. 

At the death* of the Emperor, the cause of freedom appeared 
almost hopeless in Europe : Prussia, Germany, Italy, and Spain 
lay at the feet of their rulers. In the Chamber of Deputies in 
France only seventeen champions of liberty could be numbered; 
and the gracious smiles of Charles X. — the new king — were 
but fraudulent snares, the easier to bring a too generous na- 
tion into abject slavery. The English, cheated as they always 
have been by the Tories, were allowed to glory in imaginary 
freedom, while starved to death by these merciless robbers, the 
rough gripe of whom the Irish felt in" their very hearts. Holland 
h^ seen its king turn a merchant, busy in accumulating im- 
mense wealth, and were taught to repent the blameable folly of 
presenting a diadem to the family of Orange. Portugal, after 
enjoying a gleam of liberty, was the prey of two royal i'actions. 
In the so-called free cities, Hamburg, Bremen, Frankfort-on- 
Maine, and Lubeck, moneyed aristocrats and merchant kings 
ruled with unlimited sway, under protection of the German Con 
federation, and in the shadow of the Holy Alliance. Switzer- 
land, divided into many different parties, was partly subjected to 
the sway of aristocrats, and partly enjoyed a very precarious li- 
berty, more as a particular grace of the monarchs, than in conse- 
quence of any conceded right. The children of Hellas — the he- 
roic descendants of the nobility of mankind — had spoken of free- 
dom and bravely fought against tyranny ; therefore the ears of the 
monarchs were closed against their supplicating prayers. Den- 
mark, without any protection against despotism, but the liberal 
spirit of its inhabitants, and the patriarchal sentiments of its old 
king, was, however, in the enjoyment of a proportionally great 
liberty. Sweden and Norway alone supported their old renown 
of being the homes of freedom. The indomitable spirit of the 
Swedish peasantry was a sure guarantee of the ancient liberty of 
the Swedes; and Norway was in possession of the most rational 
constitution in the world. 

But according to the principles of the Holy Alliance, the peo- 
ple were not only to be deprived of the right to frame their own 
laws, but the less powerful princes were also to be prohibited 
extending the liberty of their own subjects. Thus, some of these 
princes of Germany and Italy, who appeared willing to accede to 
the just claims of the nations over whom they ruled, were pre- 
vented from accomplishing their own praiseworthy inclinations. 

The cruel punishments Vv'hich had bee n inflicted upon the gene- 
rous patriots of Italy, the continual persecutions of the Liberals 

* 1825, near Taganrog, on the Azow Sea. i 



14 

in Germany, and Ihe fear for France, and the influence of the 
priests in Spain, kept at that time these people in awe; but the 
Russians showed, unexpectedly, some signs of reluctance any 
longer to be treated as brutes. The Emperor Alexander had ap- 
pointed his brother Nicholas as his successor ; thus passing by 
the elder brother, the Grand Duke Constantine, who however 
for one or other reasons, had assented to this arrangement. Some 
of the troops in St. Petersburg, taking pretext of this irregularity 
in succession, declared themselves shortly after the death of the 
Emperor Alexander, resolved not to acknowledge the authority 
of his brother Nicholas, and proclaimed Constantine emperor : 
but it was afterwards proved, that their real design had been to 
limit, if not quite to abrogate, the imperial power. Nicholas was, 
however, able by his daring spirit, and the courageous conduct of 
his younger brother Michael, aided by superior forces which re- 
mained faithful to him, to quench the flame of insurrection. 
Some German writers tell us, that the victorious Nicholas treat- 
ed "the seduced troops very mildly. Only some of the leaders 
underwent capital punishment, and the rest of them were sent to 
Siberia." True ; but it must be observed that good care was ta- 
ken that the leaders should almost equal in numbers their follow- 
ers, and besides, the most of the soldiers who had raised the stand- 
ard of freedom had, bravely fighting,^ been killed in tl^e combat. 
Some have contended that this opposition to the imperial autho- 
rity was bred by the aristocratic parly, and some that it had a de- 
mocratic aiming; — both are in the right, because there were both 
aristocrats and democrats among the conspirators ; but the soldi- 
ers in general acted from the impulse of the innate love of free- 
dom in man, being desirous to liberate themselves, under some 
plausiblo pretext, from the intolerable discipline to which they 
were subjected. 

It was very likely that the averse feelings which the Emperor 
Nicholas, in consequence of his education, exalted station, and 
imperious disposition, bore to liberty, received a new portion of 
gall, by his having been obliged to quench, at the peril of his 
own life, a spark of that fire he had so much reason to suppose 
lo be totally extinguished in the breasts of the Russians, But be 
this as it may, unquestionable it is, that liberty saw in this mo- 
narch ihe most formidable enemy in latter times. He joins in his 
person great parts, extensive capacity, personal bravery, inflexible 
perseverance, unrelenting severity, unlimited power over the most 
formidable military force on the earth, excepting that of France, 
and the firmest resolution to support the pretended rights of the 
kings and the principles of the Holy Alliance. But his succes- 
sion to the throne of Russia was not only a cause of mourning 
to liberty, but Meiternich himself — the inveterate enemy of free- 
dom, the most experienced and most subtle of all living states- 



15 

men, and conscious as he certainly was of his eminent abilities, 
of his deep .sagacity, and his persuasive ingenuity, of his judi- 
cious keenness, of his perfect knowledge of every spring in the 
complicated machine of European politics, and of his immense 
influence upon the most powerful cabinets, and upon the whole 
aristocratic party of Europe, and being thus the real ruler over the 
mighty empire of Austria — showed apparent signs of the greatest 
consternation at the news, that Nicholas was to succeed his bro- 
ther to the throne ; and I know from a person on whose judg- 
ment I can depend, that the consternation of Metternich was an 
evidence that he prognosticated something very unpleasant and 
dangerous from the new Emperor of Russia. 

This was no wonder, because Prince Metternich knew per- 
fectly well the qualities and the character of Nicholas, and he was 
too sagacious not to perceive that he could never hope to exercise 
the same influence upon him, as he had done on the weak and 
flexible mind of Alexander ; and that it was very uncertain what 
course such an aspiring man would pursue, but that it was 
very likely he would not be satisfied only by being a member 
of the Holy Alliance, but would also endeavor to make the 
other confederated Princes subordinating under his absolute will. 
Consequently the veteran politician, who already before had 
shown much jealousy of the power of Russia, and even had 
thwarted some of Alexander's political plans, now began to take 
many secret but efficacious steps to counteract the anticipated 
ambitious designs of the new Autocrat. Thus the enemies of 
freedom had no more an entire confidence in each other, and 
became from that time less formidable to the friends of liberty. 

That the sagacious Minister of Austria had not been mistaken 
in his opinion of the ambition of Nicholas, was proved by the artful, 
subtle, and secret means by which the Russian Cabinet sought to 
rouse the jealousy of the smaller princes of Germany against Aus- 
tria, and to insinuate into them the persuasion, that it was the most 
conformable with their interests to put the German Confederation 
under the protection of a foreign powerful monarch, and that the 
most fit was the Russian Emperor, who never could have the re- 
motest thought of rendering them subservient to his will ; but 
who would be the most able to defend them against the aspiring 
plans of 'the house of Austria. The Russian diplomats displayed 
in these negotiations surprising skill ; and the language in which 
the Russian notes to the German Princes of the second and third 
rank v/ere couched in regard to this subject, bear the most artful 
garb. But Metternich was not asleep. Counterpoise, prepared 
with equal skill, was instantly administered by his agents, who 
spoke of a common faiherland — of the barbarous manners of the 
Russians — of the unbounded ambition of Nicholas — of the de- 
struction of German liberty.^ by permitting any foreign prince, and 



16 

principally the Russian Autocrat, to meddle in the affairs of Ger- 
many — of the di!>inlerestedness of Austria, and the great impori- 
ancethat all the Germanic Princes should live in the most intimate 
and confidential friendships with each other. The consequence of 
these opposite negotiations was, that the affairs apparently re- 
mained in statu quo, though it was evident that the Russian di- 
plomats succeeded so far as to weaken somewhat the influence 
of Austria in Germany ; but what must not be left unnoticed, is, that 
from that time the most of the German princes, as the Germans 
in general since IS 13 had done, began to look upon Prussia as 
the chief support of the independence of the German States. 
Prussia has afterwards made a good use of this disposition in 
forming its Commercial League, and the king of that country is 
now building on the same most ambitious plans. 

The momentary disharmony and mutual jealousy between the 
Austrian and Russian Cabinets, and the ambitious designs of the 
EgRperor Nicholas in regard to Turkey, are to be accounted for 
as the chief causes, that the Autocrat listened to the persuasions 
of the noble Canning, and joined England and France — the go- 
vernment of the latter country not longer daring in this particular 
to defy the wishes of the French — in concluding the treaty of the 
6th of July, 1827, whose aim was to effect the liberation of the 
Greeks from the Turkish yoke. This deviation from the prin- 
ciples of the Holy Alliance, on the side of the Russian Emperor 
and the King of France, the former might perhaps have hoped 
to atone by rendering Hellas, in the course of time, a part of his 
own dominions; and the latter would reasonably excuse this de- 
viation from the established rules before his allies, by pleading it 
being necessary in order to avoid an internal rebellion in France. 
But when the gallant Codrington put the glorious seal — the bat- 
tle of Navarino* — on this treaty, then the generous soul of its 
framerf soared high over the triumphant streamers of the allied 
fleets. The renowned hero| of the aristocrats did not like vic- 
tories in the cause of freedom, § therefore the English Admiral, 
instead of receiving due praise, was blamed, and removed from 
his commission; but the battle he and the French and Russian 
commanders joindy won over the Turkish fleet, and which was 
the happy consequence of Canning's noble policy, is justly to be 
considered as the chief cause of the independence of Greece. 
The Russian Emperor must have viewed the victory of Navarino 
as very convenient, because he tarried not half a year afterwards 

* The 20th of October, 1827. 

t Canning died on the 16th of August preceding. 

\ Wellington became premier in January, 1828, after the resignation of Lord 
Goderich, who for a short time succeeded Canning in his place. 

§ They who think that the unfeeling Wellington fought in Spain, as a champion 
of ifreedom, o'.ight to read the immortal wotk of Colonel, now Major-General Napier, 
of the Peninsular War. 



17 

ere he declared war against the weakened Sultan ; but first the 
bravery of the Turks and then the mediation of Metternich,— 
who had opened a negotiation with the other great European 
Powers in order to form a combination against Russia, — saved 
Turkey at that time from being made a province of Russia^ 
The Emperor Nicholas thought it most wise, under the pre- 
tence of great moderation on his part, to conclude with the Sul- 
tan the peace of Adrianople, Sept. 14th, 1829. 

By the arrival of a French army under the command of a 
veteran soldier of Napoleon, General Maison at Morea, the chief 
of the Turkish force there, Ibrahim Pacha, the able son of Me- 
hemet Ali of Egypt, soon found himself obliged to evacuate 
Greece. By this incident, and by the disorderly state of the 
Turkish affairs in consequence of the war with Russia, the Di- 
van of Constantinople saw itself obliged to accede to the treaty 
of July 6th, 1827, and Greece was thus, on the 3d of February, 
1830, acknowledged as an ind;>pendent State. 

The ideas we have of the rights of the people, assure us that 
it belonged solely to the Grei ks themselves, to give them that 
Constitution and that form of government that they themselves 
thought most fit. But a contrary opinion was entertained by those 
who had power to enforce much that was yet more opposite to 
justice and common sense; consequently the Greeks were obliged 
to acknowledge a boy, prince Otho of Bavaria, as their illustri- 
ous monarch. It seems very likely that the statesmen who 
chiefly decided this affair, would make it evident how little im- 
portant it was whether kings were men of 'ability or only fit to 
occupy themselves with play toys. I would fain Lave read the 
flaming strains in which the generous Byron would have in- 
dulged his indignant soul, had he lived to see the heroes of 
Greece ranged in court robes around the throne of an infant king. 
But alas! the sublime bard of freedom laid silent in his tomb! 
To punish those who had obliged the Greeks to receive purple 
in exchange for liberty, was not a glory which Walter Scott and 
Southey were anxious to acquire. 

It is a ridiculous idea that liberty cannot exist under monarchial 
as well as under republican forms of government. Experience 
and reason bear evidence that freedom can flourish under the 
one as well as under the other of these forms ; but if the people 
have not liberty to give themselves that form of government they 
themselves think most suitable for them, then they are slaves of 
whatever immunities they may be in possession ; because these 
are then only voluntary gifts of their masters, and consequently 
it depends solely upon them to put a period to their duration. 
Therefore, the Greeks, in conformity with the principles of the 
Holy Alliance, were not permitted to determine themselves their 
own form of government. Besides, it was greatly feared that a 
2 



18 

contrary proceeding would be a precedent, and a cause for other 
nations' to think, that the European princes had conceded that 
any such thing as the sovereignty of the people ever existed in 
the world. 

The Tory ministry who stood at the head of the English affairs 
at the conclusion of the Holy Alliance, had not openly dared to 
join it, but they had nevertheless been privy to the objects of their 
powerful friends on the continent; and they did all in their power 
to oppose the just claims of the people of England and Ireland. 
Thus, these rulers, over a so-called free nation, had with indif- 
ference, nay, most probably with much satisfaction, seen how the 
whole continent of Europe — with the exception of Portugal, 
which had been left in the hands of the faithful Beresford, who 
by inflicting death on Gomez D'Andrade, the noble champion 
of liberal ideas, had given a pledge of his Tory principles — was 
subjected to the guardianship of the cabinets of Vienna, Peters- 
burg, and Berlin, and later even of that of Paris. The friends 
of freedom in Europe were thus deprived of all powerful aid, 
and had consequently, since the foundation of the Holy Alliance, 
suffered defeats in all their attempts at establishing liberty in that 
part of the world. But the enemies of humanity seemed how- 
ever not satisfied with what they had already accomplished. By 
the aid of the aristocratical party in Italy, Germany, and Eng- 
land, Don Miguel was enabled to begin and pursue that career, 
which has covered his name with imperishable infamy; and the 
king of France, overcome by his own hatred of liberty and by 
the advice of the foolish and narrow-minded persons who en- 
joyed his favor, committed the egregious error to discard the 
Martignac ministry* who favored the just claims of the French 
— and to appointf as their successors, men of the most irrational 
and despotic principles, at the head of whom the stubborn aristo- 
crat, Prince Polignac, stood. 

The minds of men had in some years generally in Europe, 
undergone a complete change. The artifices of the statesmen 
could no longer cover the gross deceptions which had been prac- 
tised upon the people, first to rouse them to seek for liberty in 
the defeat of Napoleon, and then to submit to the terrible and 
dishonorable tyranny of weak kings, of unfeeling and deceitful 
statesmen, of illustrious fools and decorated knaves. It was now 
evident that the Holy Alliance had done all in its power to op- 
pi^ess the people, and that no good could be expected from its 
members. The contemptible advocates of the divine right of 
princes and of the duty of the people to pay absolute obedience 
to their rulers, and of similar absurdities, were no more the 

* Martignac had succeeded the notorious Villele, — a man of some capacity but of 
narrow views — as premier on the 9th of January, 1828. 
t The 18th of November, 1829. 



19 

oracles of the clay; and neither elegance of words nor subtlety 
in reasoning, could longer supply the deficiency of sincerity. 
Mirabeau was no longer considered a devil, nor Vergniaud a 
vampyre, nor La Fayette a traitor. Reason and truth began, 
again to sway the minds of men, and neither the tricks of the di- 
plomats, nor the sophistical arguments of iheir hired panegy- 
rists could longer blindfold the eyes of the multitude. They 
who had suffered for liberal ideas and in the cause of freedom, 
were no longer looked upon as madmen or criminals ; but these 
noble-minded men began to be viewed as victims, not of blame- 
able designs, but of despotism. Every generous heart burned in 
expectation to participate in the deliverance of Europe from a 
dishonorable thraldom. 

But the Russians were kept in continual servitude by scourges 
and brutal ignorance ; the Italians by fear of Austrian bayonets ; 
the Spaniards by executioners and priestcraft. The united forces 
of a legion of princes — repeated persecutions against the liberals 
— the most artful web of diplomatic skill — an innumerable host 
of aristocrats — and, besides, their natural slov/ness rendered the 
Germans unfit by daring steps to break the established order of 
the public affairs. A mixture of superstitious reverence for, and 
praiseworthy obedience to their old laws and institutions; the 
deceitful bred and firmly entertained persuasion generally among 
themselves that they were really in enjoyment of a higher degree 
of liberty than all other European people, and their custom to give 
vent to their complaints more in speeches than in actions, with- 
held the English from violent means against the terrible oppres- 
sions of the aristocratic party, to which they were in reality sub- 
jected ; and the Irish were, by the superior forces of their callous 
oppressors, obliged to sulDmit to the wrongs which daily were 
heaped on them. But the time was come, when the patience 
of the French to bear injuries and insults were exhausted — and 
Europe had once again to thank that generous nation for a glo- 
rious example how to crush the fetters of slavery. The courtiers 
who, to insinuate themselves in the favor of the royal family, had 
under sottish laughter, sought to ridicule the noble efforts of 
the magnanimous Benjamin Constant, of the brave Foy, and 
of many other friends of liberty ; the aristocrats who had 
scornfully spoken of La Fayette and Carnot, and who had 
uttered so much contempt against the upstarts, who had covered 
France with eternal glory ; and the superstitious or hypocritical 
priests who surrounded the throne of Charles X., and for tem- 
poral designs had dared to pretend to have in their sinful hands 
the keys of heaven, and who had abused a thus blameably ac- 
quired influence over the conscience of the bigoted king to in- 
duce him to refuse to listen to the claims of a noble nation — 



20 

these all were unexpectedly roused from the sleep of security in 
which iheir own prejudices, self-interests, and blindness had 
lulled them, and the voice of liberty scattered them as the whirl- 
wind the awns. 

At the meeting of the French Chambers, March 2nd, 1S30, 
the king, in his speech from the throne, complained much of the 
prevailing spirit of discontent among certain factions, whose 
blaraeable designs were to subvert the authority of the crown, 
and thus to destroy the surest guaranty for the happiness of the 
people ; and exhorted the Chambers to assist him in the measures 
he was resolved to pursue to give security to the throne, and thus, 
in the most efficacious way to promote the welfare of the nation. 
But it was soon observed that a disposition contrary to what 
was wished for prevailed in the Chamber of Deputies ; therefore 
the king first prorogued both Chambers to the 1st Sept., and 
then on the 16th of May dissolved the Chamber of Deputies, 
ordered elections of members for a new one, and both the Cham- 
bers to meet on the 3d of August. In a proclamation, the king, 
to excuse the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, pretend- 
ed that its members, by opposing the useful plans he by his 
Ministers had proposed for the general good, and by misrepre- 
sentations of his intentions, had wounded him ^% father of his 
people, and offended him as king ; and he promised the preser- 
vation of the Charter, but desired, in view to be able to do so, 
that the prerogatives of the crown should be respected. But the 
French were not again to be deceived by such artifices ; they were 
perfectly aware on which side the wrong was, and the press was 
not wanting in its duty to animate the electors nobly to perform 
their obligations, and return such members as were willing to 
oppose the treacherous designs of the Ministry against the 
liberty of the people. The whole of France was in th^ greatest 
effervescence, and it was not difficult for any one to perceive, 
who was not quite struck with blindness, that something extra- 
ordinary was to be expected, if the king and his ministers would 
not stop in the course they were heedlessly pursuing. 

The liberals, or as they were called, the constitutionalists, car- 
ried the victory at the elections. But the weak king and his mad 
ministers took now those steps which brought Charles himself 
directly in the post chaise, and the Polignac Ministry by-the-bye, 
to the fortress Ham. On the morning of the 26th of July the 
six fatal ordinances were promulgated, which bore the date of 
the previous day, and by which the liberty of the press was an- 
nihilated, the newly made elections declared void, new ones 
ordered to be made, and the meeting of the Chambers postponed 
to the 26th of September, when they were ordered to meet. 
This extraordinary proceeding was sought to be justified by ap- 



21 

peal to the 14th Article of the Charter;* but a more frivolous pre- 
tence for tyranny could not be found, and it was no wonder that 
the patience of the French was at an end. 

On the morning of the 26th of July, all the Journalists of the 
liberal papers assembled in the office of the "National," the prin- 
cipal contributors of which were M. Thiers and M. Armand 
Carrel — who had for a long time fearlessly opposed the encroach- 
ments on the liberty of the French by the Polignac Ministr3% A 
collective protest of all these Journalists against the measures 
of government, was drawn up and signed — a courageous act, 
because those who signed this document risked their heads. It 
must not be forgotten that M. Thiers was one of the first who 
signed his name, and thus showed himself prepared to lay down 
his life for the success of the cause of the people. Upon this 
protest of the intrepid leaders of the liberals, the Parisians 
hastened to take up arms in vindication of the rights of the whole 
French nalion. But it was the fate of that renowned warrior,f 
— who in a fatal moment, had by the deceitful tongue of 
Talleyrand, been made a traitor to his friend and Emperor, now 
when defending the throne of the Bourbons, and meeting in terri- 
ble contest the just wrath of the Parisians — to see the lilies fade in 
sight of the tri-colored banners, and to be conquered by the brave 
men and generous youths, who, with their blood, inscribed their 
names on the pages of history, and won freedom to France. 
The elder branch of the Bourbons had, for a third time, to pay 
an unwilling visit to their friends abroad. The National Guard 
of France obeyed once more the voice of the noble La Fayette. 
Some there were who wished to give France a republican form of 
government' but a conti-ary opinion prevailed, and Louis Philippe, 
Prince of Orleans, if not by the declared will of the F'rench peo- 
ple, still as it appeared with their tacit approbation, mounted 
the throne of his ancestors, and promised that " the Charter should 
become a realityP Happy for him had he kept his promise. But 
the allurements of illegal power were too strong 1o be withstood, 
even for this sagacious man, who now suffers but the just pun- 
ishment of having deluded the just expectations of a generous 
people. 

It was, as we have observed before, one of the chief principles 
of the Holy Alliance, to punish the people who should dare to 
revolt against their princes; but application of this principle was 
found very difficult in regard to France. Innumerable defeats, 
overturned thrones, exhausted treasures, and depopulated coun- 
tries had been the consequences of the former wars of the Euro- 
pean princes against enfranchised France, which first then was 

* The contents of this article read thus : — Le roi fait les reglemens et ordonnances 
necessaires pour i'execution des lois et la surete de I'etul. 
t JMarshal Marmont, Duke of Ragnsa. 



22 

subdued, and that chiefly by treachery and by the aid of the 
other deceived people of Europe, when her veteran warriors 
had been destroyed by the frosty winds of Russia, The fresh 
memory of these events made the mighty of Europe twice to 
think what was to be done; and the garb of monarchy which 
France continued to bear, gave them a happy pretence with 
better grace to conceal the rage they lelt on seeing democracy 
again raising its head. 

The real representatives of the European aristocracy, the mo- 
rose Wellington and the crafty Talleyrand agreed, at their inter- 
view in London, that it was far easier by art than by force to 
kill the new-born Hercules in his cradle. This opinion gained 
the approbation of the judicious Metternich, and of the Cabinets 
of Germany and Holland. The diplomatists hoped to carry the 
point the generals despaired to take. The proud Emperor of 
Russia was at last, though unwilling, prevailed upon to let 
his mighty sword rest in the scabbard. Thus the elder branch 
of the Bourbons, who had expected to see all Europe rise in 
vindication of their pretended rights, were left to shift for them- 
selves, and muse upon the faithlessness of their royal brethren. 
Lonis Philippe was consequently acknowledged as king of 
France by all the European princes, and by the holy fathers in 
Rome, though the most of them, in congratulating him on his 
new dignity, showed a somewhat peevish countenance. Yet the 
hypocritical smiles of the kings and of the aristocratical party 
could not cover their real sentiments, and it was to be feared 
that they would soon plot secret plans to chastise France. But 
democracy was in advance; the revolutions of Belgium and 
Poland, and the popular movements in Germany, inspired new 
terror in the breasts of the enemies of freedom. But as soon as 
the diplomatists had regained their wonted composure, they were 
all at hand to forge together that link of slavery, which had been 
so suddenly broken asunder by the French. The jealousy be- 
tween Russia and Austria was at once forgotten ; and nothing 
was thought of but to check the progress of the common enemy, 
the heaven-born maid of liberty, who, with daring steps, was 
walking through Europe, raising her Icnights to brave the forces 
of the confederated princes, 

Belgium — which, in conformity with the resolution of the Con- 
gress of Vienna, 1814 and 1815, had been adjoined to Holland, 
under the sway of the House of Orange, had ever been adverse 
to this arbitrary decision, which v/as founded on no principle of 
justice — had given many proofs of its dissatisfaction with its 
government. Shortly before France had recovered from her 
independence, Belgium happened to be in much agitation, by 
the universal displeasure of the people with a severe sentence 
which had been passed upon two liberals, Porter and Ducpetiaux, 



23 

who had been accused for some writing, of pretended libellous 
tenor against the governraent. Thus the Belgians were in a fit 
disposition instantly to follow in the glorious footsteps of France. 

Brussels gave, on the 25th of August, signal to that revolutionj 
which liberated the Belgians from the dominion of a king, who 
had been imposed upon them contrary to their own wish. After 
some conciliatory negotiation between the government and the 
patriots, the latter, who suspected the uprightness of the former, 
and besides, were burning with love of freedon, flew to arms. 
The troops which had advanced from Antwerp to attack Brussels, 
were, after four days' hard contest, compelled to fall back. All 
Belgium made now common causo wilh Brussels. By the treaty 
of the 15th of November, 1841, in London, the five great European 
Powers acknowledged the independence of Belgium, but the king 
of Holland would not submit to this resolution. But when 
the Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg — who had been married with 
the deceased Princess Charlotte of England, presumptive heiress 
of the English crown — had been elected king of Belgium, France 
and England declared themselves resolved to enforce the above- 
mentioned treaty ; and the citadel of Antwerp, was by the Freneh 
Marshal Gerard compelled to capitulate. Then, in May, 1833, 
the king of Holland found himself obliged to acknowledge the 
independence of the Belgians. 

The popular movements which, on the French revolution, fol- 
lowed inBrunswcik, Saxony, Hesse,MecklemburgSchvverin, Han- 
over, and some other stales of Germany, were not very successful, 
still they had the effect in some places to give the people somewhat 
more liberty. Yet it was curious to observe, how different 
language then was used in the proclamations of the governmeats, 
to that which shortly before had been in vogue ; and" hg^vy eager 
the great had at once been to gain popularity. The pe&pne'ttf Ger- 
many showed themselves not energetic enough, but their attempts 
at acquiring freedom, were feeble and consequently unsuccessful. 
Besides, writers hired by the German princes and arristocrats 
hastened to make the French objects of jealousy to the Germans, 
by insinuating that the former wished to come in possession of 
the German provinces, on the left bank of the Rhine. Thus it 
happened that Germany reaped no benefits from the French revo- 
lution of 1830. 

But the enemies of freedom soon had still more cause to 
rejoice at the defeat of the gallant Poles by the superior forces of 
Russia. No obstacles of diplomacy, no precaution of policy, 
no barriers of Cossacks had been effectual enough to prevent the 
ethereal flame which, in July, had been kindled in Paris, to set 
Poland on fire — the 29th of November, 1830. On that day, the 
brave Poles rose against the unjust dominion of Russia, and 
the tyranny of the barbarian — the Cxrand Duke Constantine, who^ 



24 

In Warsaw, ruled in the name of his brother, but surely contrary 
to the wise counsels of this sagacious man, whose severity if 
always in subordination to his judgment, had behaved himself as 
a madman, and thus wantonly called down upon himself the 
vengeance of a high-spirited nation. The Russian troops in 
Warsaw were defeated, and Constantine himself was glad to save 
his life by a precipitate flight. At the same time the cholera broke 
out in Russia, and spread such a superstitious terror among the 
ignorant Russian multitude, that it for some time overcame their 
fear of the lash, and they gave evident signs of a seditious spirit, 
and even in some places, broke out in insurrections. But the 
Emperor of Russia bears a soul not easily to be dismayed. At 
this critical time, he displayed a very vigorous mind ; and we 
have much reason to bewail that such great qualities cannot be 
made to serve the cause of freedom. By boldness and severity, 
mixed with seasonable signs of paternal affection and princely- 
generosity, he soon made the Russians to fear him more than the 
cholera morbus, and to view in him something more than a 
mortal man. Having restoi-ed tranquillity within Russia, he soon 
poured vast bodies of troops into devoted Poland, on which he 
had sworn bloody revenge. To the able hands of the renowned 
Diebitsch, the conqueror of the Turks, he confided the punish- 
ment of the ungrateful Poles. 

I must leave to another time to describe the daring actions, the 
valorous deeds, the generous sacrifices, and the prodigious efforts, 
by which the heroic sons and the noble daughters of Poland 
braved the formidable armies of Russia, and, for a long time, 
counterbalanced the superior numbers and the greater experience 
of their intrepid enemies. But the glory the Poles acquired in 
this terrible war will never fade. After Diebitsch had fallen a 
victim of cholera — as even the cruel Constantine did — Paske- 
witsch, also a very able general, was appointed chief commander 
of the Russian troops, and he succeeded at last, partly by force 
and partly by treachery, to overcome the resistance of the Poles, 
and to come into possession of Warsaw, which latter event took 
place on the 7th of September, 1831. An imperial ukase of Feb- 
ruary 26th, 1832, changed Poland into a Russian province, and 
annihilated thus the shadow of independence it had hitherto 
enjoyed. Once more Europe and Asia resounded with lamenta- 
tions of the thousands and thousands of the unhappy Poles, who 
were undergoing every kind of suffering Russian ingenuity, in 
the abominable art of tormenting fellow-creatures, could invent. 
But, just cause as we have to condemn the Russian Emperor 
and his satellites, for the barbarous treatment they were inflicting 
upon Poland, we must not think that all the Poles themselves 
were free from blame. The greatest part of the Polish nobility 
were far from being friends of the noble principles of true demo- 



25 

cracy, but were inspired with quite contrary sentiments — being ob- 
stinate aristocrats who wished liberty for themselves and slavery to 
the mass of their countrymen. But the sufferings to which many 
of them since have been subjected, and the more correct ideas of 
the rights of man, which many of the exiles probably have ac- 
quired, will make them more worthy to return to their beloved 
fatherland as champions of genuine liberty. Thus we have 
good reason to hope, should Providence now give the Poles vic- 
tory over their tyrants, that Poland will get the blessing of a free 
and liberal constitution, benefitting no less the people in general 
than the nobility. 

In Portugal, the liberals were at last victorious ; and in spite of 
the assistance of his many friends, and among them the English 
Tories, the monster, Don Miguel, was compelled to quit his 
prey. 

After the death, in 1832, of Ferdinand of Spain, those who 
had been in the habit of preaching passive obedience to princes, 
proved once more that they would not submit to this doctrine 
when opposed to their own interests and passions ; but, deviating 
from their principles, they avowed that a nation was not obliged, 
nay, ought not to submit to his unlawful will, who prescribed 
change in the order of succession, for the benefit of his infant 
daughter. The Liberals, on the other hand, joined that faction 
of the Absolutists who had remained faithful to Ferdinand, and 
asserted the validity of his will. Thus it happened that the 
usual adherents of absolute power put themselves in opposition 
to the will of the deceased monarch, and that the Liberals — the 
natural opponents to unlimited authority — stood forth as cham- 
pions of that unlawful act. Yet each party followed the course 
their interests pointed out to them. The Carlists opposed the 
illegal will of Ferdinand, in order to advance the claims of a 
sanguinary despot and bigoted prince ; and the Liberals sup- 
ported and swore allegiance to the daughter of the deceased one, 
in hope to re-establish freedom in Spain. Thus, though in point 
of right, the former, on a superficial view, seemed to have de- 
fended the better cause, I think, when we consider that all laws 
ought to aim at the weli'are of the people, if not, to be abrogated, 
that we will concede that the Liberals were justified in acting as 
they did. 

The power in England as well as in France— in the former 
country the Whigs had got the victory over the Tories — was now 
in the hands of men whose interests and principles made them 
favorable to the establishment of a liberal government in Spain. 
Thus Ferdinand's widow. Queen Christina — a woman of great 
energy, of manly courage, and of no mean abilities, but of an 
imperious character — who assumed, as guardian of her infant 
daughter, the reins of government, found herself supported, not 



26 

only by the most enlightened men of Spain, and by the civil 
authorities, who had generally ranged themselves on the side 
of the Queen Isabella, but also — which was of the highest im- 
portance — by the ambassadors of France and England. It is 
universally acknowledged that without the altered course of poli- 
cy of these States, the reign of the young queen would have 
been of very short duration. 

Still Don Carlos and his adherents did not long permit the 
government to remain quiet in the hands of the queen dowager 
and her counsellors. Despotism and fanaticism rose again to 
spread desolation and inexpressible miseries over unhappy Spain 
for six years. Yet blameable as the furious despot himself and 
his principal supporters were, they counterbalanced — at least the 
latter — in part, their criminal deeds, by exposing themselves to 
the dangers of the contest ; but what language is powerful 
enough to paint the atrocity and baseness of these callous states- 
men, stubborn aristocrats, and artful politicians, who, secure in 
their splendid palaces in Vienna, in Petersburg, in Rome, in 
Naples, and in London itself, instigated, exhorted, and fur- 
nished with means, the Carlists and their idol to pursue this 
fratricidal war ? The most detestable, however, among all these 
unscrupulous enemies of humanity, and conspirators against the 
peace and happiness of Spain, were the Tories ; because, lying- 
ly boasting that they were the friends of freedom and the gene- 
rous benefactors of their poor countrymen, they blushed not to 
send from England millions of pounds, to assist tyranny and 
bigotry to commit hideous carnages among the Spaniards, while 
many hundreds of thousands of starving laboring men cried for 
bread in Great Britain. 

The Austrian, Russian, and Prussian statesmen, who had been 
so eager in 1823 to settle the internal strifes of the Spaniards 
by the intervention of France, in favor of a despotic 
prince and an ignorant priesthood, did not wish to see that 
country and England interfere in the horrid scenes of cruelty 
which were exhibited in Spain from 1833 to 1839 ; because 
they knew well that such an intervention would have had 
no other object than to hasten the defeat of those whom they 
themselves, and their friends, the Tories, cherished so fondly. 

The balance of the physical force in Spain, between the con- 
tending parties, was certainly in favor of the young queen and 
the Liberals ; but Don Carlos seemed, for a long time, to have 
been better supplied with funds, which were sent to him by his 
friends from abroad, and furnished by the clergy, who were not 
backward to spend a part of their immense treasures in view of 
preserving the means of despoiling the people. He had also, in 
Zumalacarreguy, a general whose superior abilities made his 
cause victorious, until 1835, when death put a period to this able 



27 

but misguided warrior's life. From this moment, victory evi- 
dently began to' favor the better cause, which, in the renowned 
Espartero, had found its ablest champion. This general's victo- 
ries at Luchana, at Burgos, and at Pennacerda, but principally 
his fortunate campaign of 1839, and his ingenuity in persuading 
the talented Moroto to conclude the convention of Begara, gave 
the death-blow to the power of Don Carlos, whose mismanage- 
ment, meanness, and ferocious nature, had disgusted even many 
of his most strenuous supporters, and who consequently was 
obliged to end his detestable career in Spain by a precipitate 
flight to France. There he was long detained in captivity, not 
justifiable in point of absolute right, yet mild compared with what 
he had deserved for his numerous transgressions against humani- 
ty. Finally Espartero compelled the courageous and able, but 
cruel general Cabrera, the last pillar of the cause of Don Carlos, 
to quit his stronghold in Arragonia, and follow the footsteps of 
his worthy master, in seeking safety in France; and thus the 
hero of Luchana put a glorious end to a war, during the course 
,of which both parties, but principally the Carlists, had stained 
themselves with outrages to which few parallels are found in the 
records of human enormities. It was, therefore, but a just 
reward that Espartero was greatly honored, and magnificently 
rewarded by the queen-regent of Spain, and fondly cherished 
by his victorious troops and by the great majority of the 
nation ; but, as a matter of course, he in the same degree be- 
came the object of malicious envy and unrestrained jealousy. 

The queen-regent had, in the meantime, been obliged to 
submit to the claims of the more ardent friends of freedom in 
Spain, and to the constitution of 1837, to which Espartero had 
also given his support, which greatly circumscribed the royal 
power. The imperious disposition of queen Christina made 
her very unfit patiently to bear this restriction ; but she was too 
clever to give vent to her displeasure, so long as the Carlists were 
not totally conquered, and her daughter's throne not placed on a 
solid foundation. But this object being at last accomplished, 
she did not longer conceal her thoughts and the true patriots 
were soon made aware that there were dangers from the machi- 
nations of the Court against the newly established liberty. Be- 
sides, queen Christina, much addicted to pleasure, had 
followed the dictates of her heart, and though without any real 
fault of her own, lowered herself in the eyes of the nation. She 
is generally supposed by those who know her well, never to have 
gone beyond the bounds which modesty prescribes to women ; but 
she had transgressed the rules of propriety by uniting herself to a 
man from among the people, and had thus offended the nobility, 
and lost the esteem of the blind populace, which foolishly joined 
the former in looking upon her marriage as dishonorable. If the 



28 

Spaniards had acted wisely, they ought to have honored her for 
this very act, by which she paid a compliment to the people in 
selecting from among them a husband, and by which she would 
have proved herself to be of a liberal mind, were there not more 
reason to think that she was solely actuated by passion. 

After the sudden and unexpected resignation of Queen Dow- 
ager Christina, Espartero, the conqueror of the despotic bigot, the 
favorite of the people, and the idol of the army, became the Re- 
gent of Spain by the voluntary decree of the Cortes ; but, ere 
long, he found himself exposed to the envy of the aristocrats, the 
hatred of the clergy, the jealousy of the republican party, and the 
intrigues of some foreign pov/ers. The first charged him with 
unbounded ambition, because he, an upstart, solely by his own 
merits, dared by virtue of a lawful decree to rule over degenerated 
descendants of illustrious ancestors. The second party accused 
him of impiety, because he attempted to appropriate a part of the 
immense property of the church to the benefit of the state. The 
republicans called him a traitor, because he remained faithful to 
a limited monarchy ; and foreign Cabinets plotted his downfall, 
because he refused to sacrifice the interests of Spain to their own. 
Yet by his energy, and by the support of some of the ablest and 
most enlightened men of Spain, he succeeded in quelling, for 
nearly three years, all the open as well as all the secret attempts to 
orerthrow his authority. He met the frown of the Russian Au- 
tocrat and the wrath of the German and Italian Princes with 
dignified calmness, alike distant from insolent arrogance and from 
unbridled irritability of temper. The conspiracies and revolts in 
Pampeluna, Barcelona, and Madrid, and many other places, partly 
caused by the Carlists and by the friends of Queen Christina, and 
partly by the indiscreet and impetuous zeal of the republican party, 
were frustrated, some by precautious measures and some by 
force ; and though humanity called for milder treatment of the 
conspirators than they sometimes actually underwent, this seve- 
rity must be imputed more to the absurd and cruel customs and 
laws, which generally prevail among the nations of the globe 
in similar cases, than to any individual ferocity or revengefulness 
on the part of Espartero. 

It is unquestionable that the Spanish nation was much indebt- 
ed to the King of France and the Melbourne Ministry for being 
saved from the imminent danger of being subjected to the domi- 
nion of Don Carlos, and that the friendship of the governments 
of France and England had principally enabled Queen Christina 
victoriously to contend with the many difficulties which she had 
to encounter. And it cannot be reasonably doubted, that, had 
Espartero been so fortunate as to have been in the same degree sup- 
ported by the French and English Cabinets, he would have sur- 
mounted all the obstacles he met with ; but a contrary fate was 



29 

allotted to him, and therefore deserving nothing but rewards, he 
was compelled, as we will hereafter relate, to save himself by 
flight from ungrateful Spain, which so many times he had caused 
to resound his praise. 

It is unquestionable that the French revolution of 1830, had a 
great deal caused that alteration in the public opinion in Great 
Britain, in consequence of which the Duke of Wellington and his 
colleagues found themselves obliged to resign,* and were suc- 
ceeded by the Whigs, who, though with some changes of indivi- 
duals in the ministry, only with three momentary interruptions, 
were able, in spite of all the efforts of the Tories, for nearly ten 
years, to continue to sway the destiny of England. It is not at 
present my intention to relate the honorable actions of the Whigs 
under that time ; but the impartial historian will not refuse to 
award them the merit of having done much for the cause of li- 
berty. Imperishable glory will follow many of their names ; and 
history herself will lightly pass over their failings, and will find a 
delightful duty to rest upon the good they really effected, and 
the yet more they would have done but for the opposition of their 
enemies. The Lords Grey, Melbourne, John Russell, Palmer- 
ston, Holland, Morpeth, and Brougham, and many other nobles 
among the Whig party, gave new proofs that high birth and great 
wealth are not irreconcilable with love of freedom and due regard 
to the rights of the masses ; and that it w^ould be very wrong to 
think that noblemen and rich persons are always the enemies of 
humanity. It ought to be remembered that innumerable persons 
of high descent and even of vast riches, have stood forth as cham- 
pions of the people; and, again, that many who were born in cot- 
tages have been the instruments of tyranny, of superstition, and 
of priestcraft, and the deadliest enemies of the poorer classes. 
Men are actuated by interest, and few have been of so elevated 
a virtue as to sacrifice their own good for the well-being of their 
fellow-men ; but those few have been of all classes of men, noble- 
men as well as peasants. 

The Cabinets of Vienna, Petersburg, and Berlin, and all the 
aristocrats of Europe, viewed with the deepest indignation the 
progress of the principles of democracy ; and these feelings would 
undoubtedly have led to a war against France, which was consider- 
ed as the chief cause thereto ; and against Belgium,wh'!ch had dar- 
3d to follow the glorious example of the former country ; but the 
friendshipwhichtheWhigMinistryofEngland entertained towards 
France restrained the anger of the great despotic Cabinets, be- 
cause they saw that if they were to attack Belgium or France, 
they would also at the same time have to wage war against Eng- 
land. The Emperor of Russia, however, put his army in a for- 

" Nor. 16, 1830. 



so 

midable order, and appears to have been inclined jointly with 
Austria and Prussia, to risk a contest both against France and 
England ; but the cautious Metternich, the more timid king 
of Prussia, and also the wisest of the counsellors of Nicho- 
las, and among them the Count Nesselrode, his Minister for 
Foreign Affairs, are said to have conjured him to desist from his 
purpose, and not involve himself and his allies in so hazardous 
a contest. It is also said that the sagacious King of Sweden gave 
the Russian Emperor, who unexpectedly paid him a visit, similar 
advice. Be this as it may, sure it is that it was at last agreed not 
to wage a war against both France and England ; but to renew 
the attempts which had often been repeated to break the close 
alliance which then existed between these two countries. At 
last the eastern question — as the war between the Sultan and his 
powerful vassal, Mehemet Ali, was called — afforded the long- 
wished-for apple of discord. 

After the battle of Nezib, in which Ibraham Pacha conquered 
the Turkish forces, he would have marched his army to the Bos- 
phorus, and perhaps found an easy entrance into the capital of 
the Sultan, had he not been prevented from this attempt by the 
orders of his father, Mehemet Ali, who acted thus in accordance 
to the advice of the French Cabinet, whose motive to intercede was 
not so much a wish to save the Sultan, as the fear that Russia, un- 
der the pretext to assist the latter, would himself be master of Con- 
stantinople. The French Cabinet, however, guaranteed Mehe- 
met Ali the possession of Syria. But the Sultan, not willing to 
give up this province to Mehemet Ali, was induced by the Am- 
bassadors of Russia and Austria, and principally by Lord Pon- 
sonby, the English Minister at Constantinople, and the deadly 
enemy of the Pacha of Egypt, to throw himself into the arms of 
the five great European Powers, and ask for their intervention 
between him and his powerful vassal. This proposal was ac- 
ceded to. 

It would indeed be ridiculous to suppose, in the present state of 
the world, that the mediating powers would have acted with such 
disinterestedness as became impartial arbitrators only from mo- 
tives of justice ; therefore when the ablest statesmen acted in 
opposition to the interests of their own country, we may be 
assured, that they had some secret motives for pursuing a course 
contrary to the rules of sound politics. It was undoubtedly the 
true motives of Austria and Prussia to make the Turkish Empire 
as powerful as possible ; and it is altogether improbable that such 
an accomplished statesman as Metternich should not have per- 
ceived that this aim would be easiest obtained by encouraging 
the gifted Mehemet Ali to join under his sway all the Turkish 
dominions. Yet the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin resolved to 
act in concert with Russia, whose interests in this affair were op- 



31 

posed to their own. The motives of the Austrian and Prussian 
Cabinets for acting thus were undoubtedly their strict adherence 
to the principles of the Holy Alliance, to assist the legitimate mo- 
narchs against every attempt of their subjects to throw off their 
authority, and the hope to make this affair, by the co-operation of 
Russia, the desired means to dissolve the alliance between France 
and England. 

It is very questionable whether England had not as much in- 
terest as France herself, in favoring the plans of Mehemet Ali ; 
and I think it would not be impossible satisfactorily to demon- 
strate that the true policy of England, not less than that of Aus- 
tria and Prussia, required the Cabinets of these countries to pro- 
mote the designs of the Pacha of Egypt. But when it was seen 
that Austria and Prussia were contrary to their real interests co- 
operating with Russia, then England had so much more cause 
to adhere to the French alliance as the strongest barrier against 
the plans of the three great despotic Cabinets. At the head of 
the foreign affairs of England, was Lord Palmerston, one of the 
ablest diplomatists and without doubt, an eminent statesman, but 
nevertheless the English Cabinet on his advice, committed the 
egregious error tolisten to the persuasions of those in whose hands 
the Cabinets of Vienna, Petersburg, and Berlin had confided the 
negotiation of this affair. 

So able a statesman as Lord Palmerston, could not fail to 
perceive the great importance of the amicable relations between 
France and England, and that the cause of liberty chiefly de- 
pended upon the mutual friendship of these two countries ; nor 
could he have overlooked the benefits which must naturally 
arise to England, from the success of the plans of Mehemet Ali. 
He nmst also have been convinced, that the Pacha of Egypt was 
more able to promote the cause of civilization, than theblind and ig- 
norant government of Turkey. But what does an interested, and 
particularly a British Statesman care for what promotes the benefit 
of mankind in general 1 Still there were many grave interests of 
England, which exhorted Lord Palmerston to preserve the friend- 
ship of France, and promote the designs of the Pacha of Egypt. 
The road he had to walk lay open to his view. He was too clear- 
sighted to lose it by mistake, but purposely he resolved to pur- 
sue a less honorable way. 

The negotiation on the part of the three great despotic powers 
was chiefly left to the Russian Ambassador, Baron Brunow, one of 
the ablest diplomatists now living. The affairs of France in 
England, were at ihat time in the hands of M. Guizot — certainly 
an eminent statesman, but not a very subUe diplomatist, and 
not at all fit for the part he had there to play. 

V/e have before mentioned that France had guaranteed Me- 
hemet Ali the possession of Syria, or at least some part of it. 



32 

The Soult ministry which had given this province, had mean- 
while resigned; but the Thiers ministry which had succeeded it, 
very justly thought that it was but just that the promise given 
to Mehemet Ali should be strictly kept. As in consequence of the 
appeal of the Sultan to the mediation of the five great European 
Powers, it had been resolved that this affair should be discussed 
in London, between Lord Palmerston and the Ambassadors of 
the other four mediating powers, M. Thiers had instructed M. 
Guizot how to act, and not to neglect any opportunity of dissuad- 
ing Lord Palmerston from agreeing to anything, which would 
be contrary to the promise which France had given to Mehemet 
Ali, as the French Cabinet would feel itself bound to support 
his claims as far as this promise went. But M. Guizot appears 
not to have paid enough of attention to this affair, and to have 
entertained no suspicion that any secret treaty would be signed 
between the other negotiators without his hearing. It is also 
probable that he hoped Count Pontois, the French Ambassador 
at Constantinople, would be able to overcome the influence of 
Lord Ponsonby, and persuade the Turkish Divan to listen to 
the prosposals of Mehemet Ali, and thus counteract the plans of 
the other mediating powers, and that he therefore, looked upon 
the negotiation in London as not so important as it afterwards 
proved to be. Be this as it will, it is enough to know that the 
celebrated treaty of the 15th of July, 1840, was concluded with- 
out M. Guizot's knowledge. 

I will here point out some of the causes which are supposed to 
have induced Lord Palmerston to act as he did. On the repeated 
instigations of Lord Ponsonby — then English Ambassador at 
Constantinople, and the implacable enemy of Mehemet — Lord 
Palmerston had become prepossessed against the aspiring aims 
of this ambitious man, whom he suspected to be a secret enemy 
of England and a friend of France. In order to give a better 
turn to the distressed state of the English trade, he and his col- 
leagues in the Cabinet wished to open a new commercial way 
through Syria ; and they appear erroneously to have supposed, 
that this would most easily be effected, if Syria should be brought 
back under the weak and disorderly government of Turkey. His 
knowledge of the peaceful sentiments of the king of France, in- 
spired Lord Palmerston with a confident belief, that the French 
Cabinet would inevitably follow in whatever direction he might 
choose to lead. It is also possible, that Lord Palmerston was 
actuated by the vanity of thwarting the plans of M. Thiers, to 
whom he was then at least no friend. Besides, the noble Lord 
seems not to have been quite insensible to the flatteries 
with which the Russian Ambassador undoubtedly seasoned 
his negotiations, in order to persuade the British Minister to 
agree to the proposals he made for the pacification of Turkey, 



33 

and the preservation of the throne of the Sultan. It is to be ob- 
served that the Russian Emperor was then represented as very 
anxious to support the tottering throne he wished himself to 
overthrow. Baron Brunow at last carried his double aim — the 
one being 1o gain the co-operation of England to deprive Mehe- 
mei Ali of Syria, and the other to sow the seed of discord be- 
tween France and England. Lord Palmerston, jointly with the 
Ambassadors of the three great despotic Powers, signed the 
treaty without informing M. Guizot thereof, as they were per- 
suaded that he would oppose it, and that it would then be more 
diificultto induce France to accede to it. There can be no doubt 
that Lord Palmerston hoped that when the treaty once was con- 
cluded, that the French Cabinet would not oppose its execution. 
But though he had rightly deemed the character of the king of 
France and the policy he would pursue, the noble lord appears 
to have mistaken the character of M. Thiers, then premier of 
France. This able minister saw at a glance, the real intention 
of the despotic Cabinets, and he did not conceal the interpreta- 
tion he gave to the treaty of the 15th of July, 1840. It has been 
said that he would have frustrated the designs of the enemies of 
France, and preserved the friendship of the English Cabinet by 
acceding to this treaty. It may be true, and M. Guizot ap- 
peared to me, at a subsequent interview which I had with him, 
to entertain the same opinion ; but M. Thiers justly thought that 
this friendship would have cost too much, if he purchased it by 
dishonorably breaking the promise which France had given to 
Mehemet Ali. 

I am proud to relate that at the information of the conclusion 
of the treaty of the 15th July, 1840, I hastened, in a series of let- 
ters to the Editor of the London Sun, of which the first appeared 
in that paper the 22d of the following August, to point out the 
fatal error which Lord Palmerston had committed, and to prove 
the justice of the course of policy which M. Thiers was pursuing. 
But the infatuation of the English Press went so far, that even 
that liberal paper disapproved of M. Thiers, on whom the Lon- 
don Times, with almost all the other English papers, and with 
even those of Germany at its heels, abused in the most scan- 
dalous terms. But the impartial historian will not forget to hand 
down to posterity the glorious stand which M. Thiers then made 
against the intrigues of the enemies of France, and of the liberty 
of the people. 

The style in which the treaty in question was drawn up and 
the insolent conditions imposed upon the high-spirited Pacha of 
Egypt, were worthy of the members of the Holy Alliance, but 
nnworthy the Whisks of Great Britain. The invitation to the 
French Cabinet to accede to this treaty, and thus not only to 
break her pledge, but also to insult the man who relied on them, 

3 



34 

was in reality a great offence to France herself. This wns the 
opinion which I expressed in my letters to the Editor of the Lon- 
don Sun, and which I had soon the satisfaction to see confirmed 
by the view which M. Thiers himself entertained on that subject. 
That able Minister, without the least hesitation, refused to listen 
to the dishonorable propositions which were made to the French 
Cabinet ; yet well aware also to what hazards he exposed France 
by his refusal, he called her valiant sons to arms, and took the 
most vigorous measures to put her in such a position as to enable 
her to bid defiance to the mighty forces by which she might be 
assailed. The extraordinary preparations for war which he him- 
self made, and which by the energetic impulse he had given, the 
successors of the ministry he headed were obliged to continue, 
made the deepest impression on the minds of the ruling powers. 
With terror and astonishment they saw that France yet once 
more was able to unfold the same immense resources, and to rise 
to that high pitch of enthusiastic love of glory and liberty which 
in her last wars had made the thrones of Europe totter, and 
this may justly be said to have been the principal cause that the 
enemies of liberty did not dare in 1840 and 1841, as they had 
wished, to punish France and Belgium for the glorious revolu- 
tions of 1830. Thus the honor of having frustrated these designs 
belongs unquestionably far more to M. Thiers than to M. Guizot. 

It was curious to observe how at that time M. Thiers was 
equally assailed by those who wished that he should rush head- 
Ipng into a hazardous war against the united powers of Europe, 
without first having made preparations for carrying it on with 
reasonable hope of success ; and by those who would have him 
join the other four great powers in their coercive measures against 
Mehemet Ali. M. Thiers' conduct at that lime was admirable, 
and proved him to be a no less firm than able statesman. Un- 
moved by all the abuse heaped on him, he made, in spite of the 
vacillating conduct of Louis Philippe himself, the most energetic 
efforts to put France in a position suitable to the dangers by 
which she was threatened. 

Having reasonable hope to serve France, which I considered 
as the bulwark of freedom in Europe, I communicated verbally 
to M. Guizot my plans, which he instantly asked me to write 
down. I promised that I would do so, and hastened to draw up 
a written document containing my views of the measures which 
ought to be taken in the northern part of Europe, in view to assure 
France of the co-operation of the Scandinavian kingdoms in the 
apparently approaching contest ; but before I left this document 
in the hands of M. Guizot, I told him he must return it to me — 
to which, if I am not mistaken, he gave an affirmative answer. 

Some time afterwards I called on M. Guizot, and asked him 
his opinion of the communications I had made to him. To which 



35 

he answered, that he had sent a copy of the writing that I had 
handed over to him, to M. Thiers; but he ihought that the pre- 
sent difficulties would not lead to a war. On my request to get 
back the written document I left in his hands, he gave a prompt 
refusal, stating that he was resolved to keep it. 

M. Guizot was a few days afterwards recalled, and has not 
until this day pleased to return to me a document which he must 
be aware is of the greatest importance to me to see destroyed. I 
have applied to him twice for the purpose to get it back, but in 
vain ; still I must acknowledge that I am fully convinced that he 
has communicated to no one its contents, except to M. Thiers. 

I cannot accuse M. Guizot of having broken his promise, be- 
cause I may have misunderstood him; but still I think that he 
has acted wrong in not returning a document, which was of no 
use to him, but could possibly have been injurious to myself, and 
to the hopes entertained by millions. M. Guizot at least has been 
the chief instrument in frustrating for more than seven years those 
hopes. The way in which this has been done will be seen 
from what I am going to relate. 

The Cabinets of Vienna, St. Petersburg, and Berlin, saw with 
the greatest satisfaction the animosity which began to rise be- 
tween France and England in consequence of the treaty above 
alluded to. The public papers v.'hich stood under their control 
bore evidence enough thereof; these Cabinets had at last gained 
that aim they had so long been endeavoring to attain by every 
artifice of policy. They flattered themselves with having depriv- 
ed France of the aid of England, should she attempt to propa- 
gate the principles of democracy, or when they should find an 
opportunity of attempting to punish her for having dethroned her 
leg-itimate monarch. But seeing the extraordinary exertions of 
M. Thiers to set France in a warlike posture, and the vehement 
ardor with which the great majority of the French people hasten- 
ed to support M. Thiers in his measures to vindicate the honor 
of France, the three despotic Cabinets began to fear, that a war 
with France at thaf time would possibly have quite a contrary 
result to what was wished for. They began therefore to apply 
means for the removal of M. Thiers, and there are some reasons 
to suppose that secret negotiations were opened with the K'lnt.: 
of France for accomplishing this aim. This sagacious politician 
was ready to avail himself of this expedient to avoid the impend- 
ing conflict. Angry with the English Cabinet, and well aware 
of the intrigues of the despotic Powers, he had been plea-ed 
to see M. Thiers rouse the martial spit it of the French, and dis- 
play the formidable resistance those had to expect who should be 
inclined to assail his throne; but he showed himself very will- 
ing to sacrifice M. Thiers in order to preserve peace, little carinr 
for what happened to Mehemet Ali, or the promises his minister 



36 

had cr'ivcn this prince. Consequently he began to thwart the 
plans of M. Thiers, who consequently found himself obliged to re- 
si<^n. Bidding with a gracious countenance farewell to that 
o-reat minister, he threw himself into the arms of Soult and Gui- 
;^ot. The best jusiification of M. Thiers' policy is found in the 
deplorable and useless waste of human blood in depriving Me- 
hemet Ali of Syria, and in his admirable speeches in the Cham- 
ber of Deputies subsequent to his resignation. 

It was nothing but what was to be expected, that all the ene- 
mies of liberty should rejoice at M. Thiers being obliged to 
resign ; but astonishing it was to hear many liberals re-echo- 
ing the same shout of exultation. The latter were misled 
particularly in England and Germany, to such an improper 
conduct, by the false opinion, that M. Thiers had in view only 
the aggrandisement and welfare of France, but that he did not 
care for the liberty of other people. This great statesman is, un- 
doubtedly, the warmest friend of his native land, but no less of 
the general freedom of nations ; and he is too sagacious not to 
perceive that the liberty of the French can never be lasting, if 
all the other European people are not liberated from the do- 
minion of despotic kings and self-interested aristocrats. 

In appointing Marshal Soult minister of war, in fortifying 
Paris, and in nominating M. Guizot minister for foreign affairs, 
the king of France proved that he put no entire confidence in 
the peaceful assurances of the despotic Cabinets, but that he was 
at the same time willing to preserve peace. It was therefore 
agreed between Louis Philippe and his new ministers to sacri- 
fice Mehemet Ali, and to pursue the course of policy to which 
M. Guizot, in somewhat boastful language, gave the name of 
" armed peace." 

Peace was preserved, and Mehemet Ali lost Syria, which 
now again became the field of disorder; but this would not have 
assured to the Orleans dynasty the lasting possession of the 
throne of France. Other measures were to be taken for that 
purpose. One of these was as above stated — the fortification 
of Paris — which undertaking was advocated by M. Thiers, but 
which was by many foreign, parUcularly Engfish, and even 
some French papers, blamed as a measure against the demo- 
cratic party within Paris ; but we will, perhaps, have opportunity 
of seeing that just these fortifications will save the liberty of 
France. Had Louis Philippe done nothing more derogatory 
to their freedom, then he had deserved to remain in quiet posses- 
sion of the throne, and then he would undoubtedly have done so 
until his death. 13ut, unhappily for himself, after the resignation 
of M. Thiers, he flattered himself to be able to gain the friend- 
ship of the legitimate princes and the aristocratical party ; and 



37 

of his grandson to the throne, he began to pursue a policy which 
alienated from him the affections of the French. 

M. Guizot— one of the greatest men of the age — 'either from 
love of power or from principles adverse to democracy, conde- 
scended to become the instrument of Louis Philippe in realizing 
his mistaken plans. No one vi^ho knows M. Guizot, can question 
the high qualities which adorn him^ — his keen acuteness, his firm 
character, his oratorical power, his deep knowledge of the human 
heart, his profound learning, and his unsullied morality — but we 
may be allowed to doubt the truth of the renown he has enjoyed 
of being a friend of consiitutional monarchy. Still he was un- 
doubtedly, the ablest man now living, to oppose the superlative 
talents and the chivalrous spirit of M. Thiers, and at the same 
time to convince the minds of men, that it was not rational or 
safe to go a step farther than he did on the road of liberty. Soon 
the monarchs and aristocratical party of Europe, began to view 
M. Guizot as the fittest man to suppress democracy in France, 
and he seems not to have been proof against the flatteries heaped 
upon him by the enemies of the people. It is also to be ob- 
served, that even many the most liberal, highly praised him and 
accorded him the title of the great minister — a title which, in re- 
gard to his extraordinary endowments, he surely deserved, but 
by no means by the course of policy he pursued. It was no 
evidence of that foresight, which we had right to expect from 
such a gifted man — but which success and praises deprived him 
of — to forfeit the love of a majority of his countrymen ; nor have 
we reason to think M. Guizot to be a man of a generous soul, 
because, how could he then have sacrificed the rights and the 
welfare of the many, who labored in their sweat, to the applause 
of the few that spent their lives in luxurious sloth ? 

Blameable as the Whig ministry were for having concluded 
the treaty of the 15th July, 1840, and for the miseries they had 
inflicted upon humanity in view to restore Syria to its ancient 
tyrants,* but nevertheless, much praise was due to them for the 
prompt and able execution of that treaty, because, even when 
statesmen are erring in principles, they deserve applause for the 
abilities they display in actions. But the Whig ministers having 
lost the confidence of many of the liberal party, by the alliance 
they had concluded with the despotic Cabinets, were — in spite of 
the victories which were achieved in Syria by their able manage- 
ment, and though success is always dazzling to the vulgar — un- 
able to maintain their places against the renewed vigorous 
attempts of the Tories, who, by means of the wealth they spent 

♦ The enemies of Mehemet AH will return the answer that this prince is himself a 
tyrant. It may be true; but he is at least a despot, who is forwarding the cause of 
civilization, and his enlightened mind soars in regions to which many have never 
been able to exalt their views. 



unlawfully, to buy voles at the general election for members of 
parliament which took place in 1841, gained the majority in 
the House of Commons, and consequently obliged the Melbourne 
ministry to resign. 

Every one who attentively reads the speeches which Sir 
Robert Peel made in 1841, in the House of Commons, must 
think, that he had contrived some secret means for bringing the 
affairs of England into the most flourishing state ; and that his con- 
viction that these means were the only infallible ones for that very 
purpose, solely in luced him to oppose the plans which the 
Whigs had formed for the same object, as he thought them in- 
effectual. Yet, after having become premier of Great Britain, he 
was obliged by degrees to adopt the measures proposed by the 
Whigs, and at last to throw himself into their arms, in order to 
carry out these measures in opposition to his former adherents. 
Inconsistent, as Sir Robert Peel undoubtedly was, it must, how- 
ever, be acknowledged that he was more clear-sighted than the 
majority of the Tories, and perhaps, not quite so callous to the 
sufferings of the mass of the English people, as that party in 
general always have proved themselves. It is in vain to tell us 
that the English aristocracy are generous — some of them are un- 
doubtedly so, but not the great majority of them. 

It is not the injuries men are undergoing, but the knowledge 
that they are unjustly treated, and that their rights are violated, 
that makes them resolve to seek for redress; hence despots have 
always persecuted those who have attempted to enlighten the 
minds of ihe pepole. The Russian slaves being totally igno- 
rant of the rights of man, firmly believe that God himself made 
them thralls, and therefore, patiently submit to the yoke, and 
bear even without murmuring, the oppressions of their insolent 
masters; but the working "classes of England and Ireland, 
having some idea of their natural rights, think themselves justly 
entitled to the enjoyment of a part at least of these rights. 
They are not blind enough to impute to a benign Providence, 
the injuries which their fellow-men are infliciing upon them ; and 
they have already begun much to doubt the reality of being the 
free people they have been taught to believe they were. 
They have begun to perceive that freedom is something quite 
different from that liberty the poorer classes of Great Britain 
enjoy. They hoped for relief from the Melbourne ministry, but 
could not reasonably entertain the same hope from Sir Robert 
Peel and his colleagues. Soon, therefore, after the formation of 
the Tory ministry, hundreds of thousands of industrious men of 
the laboring classes in Great Britain ceased to work ; and the 
vehement spirit of the Irish was roused to the highest pitch of 
indignation. But the government proved too strong, and^the dis- 
satisfied found themselves compelled to submit to force. 



39 

The Chartists are advancing claims which in most points 
are jus? and rational ; but some of them think that the equal dis- 
tribution of property ought to be enforced. Those, who have 
advanced the latter opinion, have injured the cause of the 
Chartists, and deprived this party of the aid of many who admit 
that their claims in general are equitable. But none can rea- 
sonably deny that the claims of the Irish go beyond what is war- 
ranted, both by equity and justice; nevertheless, the Tory min- 
isters were deaf to their clamors for redress, and at last committed 
the egregious error to bring an accusation of treaspn against 
O'Connell, the great national champion of the freedom of the Irish. 
We all know, that through the decision of the Whig Judges — 
with the exception of Lord Brougham, that great and bad man — 
O'Connell and his colleagues were liberated from the prison in 
which the hatred and foil / of the Tories had incarcerated them. 

From that time, Sir Robert Peel became ashamed of being 
the leader of the Tory party ; and even the Duke of Wellington 
began to observe that his political career was blasting the laurels 
he had gathered in the field of battle. The Tory party became 
divided. The hatred of the worst of this party — being the majority 
— almost changed Sir Robert P^el into a lilDeral. Thus, he who 
had alv^^ays been the most able enemy of freedom, and who 
greatly contributed to the defeats this noble cause has suffered since 
1815, began to advocate the cause of suffering humanity — a bit- 
ter enemy of his as I have been, I feel pleasure in acknowledging 
that the verylatest time of the political career of this able minis- 
ter has been honorable to him, and worthy of a great man. 

The resignation of the Melbourne ministry, opened opportu- 
nity for Louis Philippe and M. Guizot of approaching England 
again. Lord Palmerston, the man who had incurred their just 
displeasure, was no more minister for the foreign affairs of Great 
Britain; and Lord Aberdeen who succeeded him, was a man of 
a more congenial nature to them. Consequently, the friendship 
between France and England, was restored, and confirmed still 
more by a personal visit of the Queen of England to France. 
Louis Philippe began now to hope that he v,^ould be able to 
persuade the English government to favor his marriage project, in 
regard to the Queen of Spain. A visit to England was there- 
fore necessary, the more to strengthen the present friendship 
between himself and the young queen — and also, to gain more 
popularity among the English people themselves. 

The realization of the French king's plans in Spain, were 
meanwhile in part accomplished. This had taken place in con- 
sequence of the machinations of M. Guizot, and the secret enmity 
Lord Aberdeen and the whole English Cabinet, in spite of 
their friendly assurances, entertained against Espartero. 

As long as the Melbourne ministry continued to rule over the 



40 

destinies of Great Britain, they as sincerely and faithfully sup- 
ported Espartero, as they previously had done Queen Christina, 
without any undue clain:is. The king of France, on the contrary, 
after the departure of the Queen Regent from Spain, began to 
shoxAT some signs that he, as the most powerful kinsman of Queen 
Isabella, thought himself entitled to some authority, but which 
Espartero thought, if acknowledged, would have endangered 
the independence of Spain. Hence originated a great deal of 
coolness between Louis Philippe and Espartero, which on the 
part of the^ former, by circumstances to be mentioned soon, was 
changed into displeasure and enmity. 

Queen Christina, after being disappointed in her expectation of 
an amicable reception by her Italian relations, had sought and 
found an asylum at the court of France, and made there the 
strongest complaints against Espartero, in order to procure the 
aid of Louis Philippe to regain her place as Regent of Spain ; 
which high dignity she repented having resigned, and therefore 
pretended that she had been compelled to abdicate. Though 
the king of France was displeased with her secret marriage with 
a person of low parentage, he was yet more angry with Espar- 
tero, and gave thus a willing ear to her charges and supplica- 
tions; and that with the more readiness, as he resolved, in one 
way or another, to make her the instrument of obtaining the 
sought for influence in the Spanish affairs, and also ol carrying 
out his plans to join one of his sons with the young Isabella by 
connubial ties. I think that Espartero would have acted most 
wisely, had he not listened to those who deceitfully dissuaded 
him from favoring such a marriage, though his opposition to it 
cannot, in the least degree, excuse the blameable means by 
which the French Cabinet sought to accomplish it. Louis 
Philippe found M. Guizot, bis minister for Foreign Affairs, 
particularly willing to plot the overthrow of the power of Espar- 
tero, because this doctrinaire wished for an opportunity of sig- 
nalizing himself, by causing the Spanish constitution to be altered 
in favor of the royal authority, which in accordance with the 
principles he and his friends had begun to advocate, was too 
much limited. 

'i?»>Tliis great minister — gifted with qualities of the highest order, 
who had it in his power to be the benefactor of millions, and to 
gain an immortal name in the cause of suffering humanity — was 
led astray from so glorious a course by his contempt of an igno- 
rant multitude, and of the sacred rights of man, by his authorita- 
tive spirit, by the flatteries of princes, and by the influence of his 
interested but mistaken master. Belure any step was taken to 
undermine the authority of Espartero, attempts w^ere made to 
induce him voluntarily to resign his power, or to give his sup- 
port to the accomplishment of a marriage between the young 



41 

Queen and one of the French Princes; but after meeting with 
repeated refusals, no less to the second tlian to the first of these 
proposals, the French Cabinet assumed a somewhat hostile tone, 
and began secretly to encourage the friends of Queen Christina 
to revolt, and negotiations were also opened with many of Es- 
partero's adherents, on purpose to deprive him of their support, 
and thus to undermine the foundation upon which his chief 
power was built. 

If we consider the versatility of popular favor — the mutinous 
spirit which, in so many revolutions, has got the better of the 
Spaniards — the immense influence which superstition and igno- 
rance give to the Spanish priesthood — the impetuosity of the 
exaltados — the envious pride of the nobility — the chaos of the 
Spanish finances — the manifest enmity of the great despotic 
Cabinets of Europe and the hostile machinations of that of 
France — we must certainly concede, that it was nothing but 
what was reasonably to be expected, that Esparlero should be 
unable to maintain his place as regent of Spain. Still he might, 
perhaps, have been able to preserve the authority which he legally 
held, had it not been for the treachery of the Tory ministry. 

The Tories knew, on their accession to power, in 1841, that 
the policy of the Melbourne ministry, with regard to Spain, had 
won the approbation of the English nation in general; but it 
was natural that they felt displeased at seeing at the head of Spa- 
nish affairs, the man who, of all Spaniards, had had the great- 
est share in the defeat of their fondling, that fanatical bigot and 
sanguinary Jesuit, on whom they for many years had lavished 
their gold. Their principles made them view the young Queen 
of Spain as an usurper of Don Carlos' right; and their wounded 
pride and their thirst for revenge, on account of their disappoint- 
ed expectations, prompted ihem to hostilities against the govern- 
ment of Spain. But public opinion in England, and the fear 
that Espartero by any inimical steps on their part, should be in- 
duced to seek his security in a close alliance with France, obliged 
them to conceal their hatred, and continue in appearance the 
friendly relations which the Melbourne .ministry had kept up 
with the Spanish government. 

Beino; well acquainted with the animosity which the Spaniards 
generally bore to England, and particularly the liberal party 
among them, against the Tories, the Peel Ministry judiciously 
deemed that by acquiring the confidence of Espartero, and mak- 
ing it appear that he stood in the most friendly relation with the 
English Cabinet, composed of Tories and renegade Whigs — 
they would be able to widen still more the breach between Es- 
partero and Louis Philippe, and at the same time expose the for- 
mer to the jealousy and suspicion of the majority of the Spanish 
people. Thus, by depriving him of the aid of the French mo- 



42 

narch in the hour of danger, and by blasting his popularity at 
home, the Peel ministry were sure by a political stratagem to 
realize two important objects in view — the one being to prevent 
Espartero iVom co-operating with tlie king of France for promot- 
ing the ambitious plans of this monarch, and the other to deprive 
Espartero himself of the authority he held in Spain. 

Thus, though from diametrically opposite motives, both the 
French and the English Cabinets were plotting the ruin of 
Espartero. The former was angry with him because he would 
not sacrifice the independence of Spain to the personal interests 
of Louis Philippe, and the latter hated him as the man who had 
defeated the prince, whom they viewed as the legitimate ruler of 
Spain. But neither of the Cabinets cared the least for the pros- 
perity and happiness of the Spanish people. 

Therefore, through their machinations it happened that soon 
all parties in Spain began to feel themselves unsatisfied with 
him. The Exaltados or the republican party said, that E-^partero 
would not be a friend of the inveterate enemies of freedom had 
he not himself become a traitor to liberty. The Constitutionalists 
questioned whether he had not the aim of dethroning the Queen 
and hiding his treachery under the purple. The Priesthood^ who 
had always been hostile to him, endeavored, and that not without 
success, to instil into the minds of the people the belief that his 
attempts to dispose of the property of the church for worldly 
purposes were influenced by the Heretics^ into whose arms he 
had thrown himself. The Absolutists^ though seeing him courted 
by their old allies, the Tories, openly gave vent to their hatred 
against him, whom they never could forgive, after having frus- 
trated all their endeavors to establish despotism in Spain. The 
soldiers were also alienated from Espartero, by suspecting him 
of being more eager to cultivate the friendship of foreigners than 
to acquire their attachment. Thus the authority of Espartero 
was undermined and his popularity lost. 

Many might, perhaps, be inclined to think, that even if granted 
that the roused jealousy of the Spaniards against the conduct of 
Espartero produced his downfall, that it however might be ques- 
tionable whether the Peel ministry had such an aim by the course 
of policy they pursued in regard lo him. To this supposed ob- 
jection I answer by questioning, to what purpose but to ruin him 
can the haughty aristocrats of Great Britain be reasonably 
thought to have shown marks of friendship toward the noble 
champion of Spanish liberty? Yet there maybe some who 
will be willing to suppose that the Peel ministry acted then solely 
to prevent Espartero from giving way to the insinuation of Louis 
Philippe to promote his matrimonial project. But though such 
a supposition is in part well founded, and though it must be ad- 
mitted that the English Cabinet first courted the friendship of 



43 

Espartero for this purpose, it was however in perfect accordance 
with the principles of the Tories to undermine at the same time 
the authority of a man who, in their eyes, was a traitor to his law- 
ful sovereign, and w'ho swayed an usurped power. It must not 
be forgotten that the Tories view Don Carlos as the legal heir to 
the Spanish throne. 

The opinion, however, in consequence of the machinations of 
the foreign Cabinets and the enemies of Espartero within Spain, 
soon became prevalent that he was a traitor himself, and thought 
to usurp royal power; but not the remotest evidence has ever 
been brought forward that he harbored such a plan. Neverthe- 
less this unfounded suspicion carried the cry of " Death to Espar- 
tero," which was raised in Malaga with the speed of lightning, 
through the whole of Spain, and struck with the strength of an 
earthquake the ears of him whose name it sounded, scattering 
his remaining friends, and driving himself to a precipitate flight 
to save his misguided countrymen from the great crime of stain- 
ing their hands with his innocent blood. 

It was not long before the enemies of the liberty of Spain 
achieved another victory, by obliging the liberal-minded Olozaga 
to seek for safety by a voluntary exile. The young Queen was 
by the Cortes authorized to take the reins of government into her 
inexperienced and childish hands ; but Narvaez, a kind of military 
Dictator, became the person who exercised the greatest influence 
upon the Spanish affairs — still being influenced himself by the 
Cabinets of France and England, which, from circumstances 
now to be related, co-operated for the same object. The inde- 
pendence of Spain did no more exist in reality. It was made 
the means of serving the ambitious plans of a foreign prince. 

Indignant at the policy pursued by M. Guizot, whose every 
step I dare to say I have closely watched, I wrote to the Editors 
of the New World a letter inserted in that paper the 22d of June 
1844, in which I express myself in regard to the policy of that 
Minister in the following words — words which now have proved 
themselves to be prophetic. " Is it becoming' the deepest thinker 
of the present ag-e, the great historian, the profound philosopher, 
the eidogist of Washington, to be the associate of the members of 
the Holy Alliance and of Sir Robert Peel, to keep the nations in 
ignorance and oppose their emancipation from political and spirit- 
ual thraldom ? Indeed we cannot fail to feel deep sorroiu on 
seeing so richly gifted a man as M. Gidzot luasiing his mental 
faculties in opposing the cause of humanity, and aiding the enemies 
of mankind in their diabolical attempts to blast the fruits of the 
ever memorable days of July I80O. 

" But vje may be assured, that the time will come when M. Gui- 
zot will have cause to regret the foul game he has played in 
Spain, and the violation of the rights of the French — whicii he has 



44 

dared to satisfy his own selfishness and that of his royal master. 
The praise of Lord Broug-ham, also a deserter from the better 
cause, ivill then be drowned in the anathemas of the suffering na- 
tions ; and surely few vnll then feel inclined to envy the lot of the 
noiv so powerful Minister of France. 

" Such will be the results of the acts of a man ivhose affability 
of manner has gained our hearts, but ivhose treachery to the 
cause of humanity must rouse in every generous mind the most 
bitter indignation.''^ 

These words, written when M. Guizot was in the zenith of his 
power, give me right now, when he is brought to that painful 
condition I predicted, to show generosity towards him without 
being suspected of approving his actions or fawning for his favor. 
I do despise those who abuse the fallen great man, after hav- 
ing lauded him to the skies in the time of his power, and when 
pursuing the blameable course which has wrought his ruin. 
Had M. Guizot condescended to listen to my. voice, I am justified 
by the events to say that he would have saved hiinself many 
bitter remembrances, and gone down to posterity with unimpaired 
glory. 

But I will resume the thread of my narrative, and trace the 
steps by which M. Guizot and his master arrived at their present 
fatal condition. 

Nothing was of higher importance for Louis Philippe than to 
gain the favorable opinion of the English, because it would 
greatly facilitate his endeavor to induce the British Cabinet not to 
oppose his project of marriage between the Spanish Queen and 
one of his sons. There can be no doubt that he at first enter- 
tained the hope to realize this plan ; but when he saw that it met 
with too many difficulties, he wished to make people believe that 
he had never harbored such a thought. Still there was nothing 
blameable in it, as it was very natural that he wished to forward 
the interest of his family, which was no injury to France ; but 
in view to gain his aim he used means which we cannot but 
condemn. He had no right to attempt exercising any influ- 
ence upon Spanish affairs; and he committed a great crime 
when he plotted the downfall of Espartero, who was so worthy 
to wield the authority which the Spanish Cortes had laid down 
in his hands. 

It was generally known that Louis Philippe intended, during 
the summer of 1844, to pay the Queen of England a visit in 
London. It was pretended that this visit was nothing but what 
the king owed as a matter of courtesy, as the English Queen 
had visited France the preceding year; still there were many 
who were persuaded that Louis Philippe would use that occa- 
sion of acquiring popularity in England and forwarding his 
ambitious plans. Among those who entertained this opinion 



45 

was unquestionably the Emperor of Russia, who, in view to 
counteract the plan of Louis Piiilippe, resolved to visit England 
in person. 

The autocrat, with all his apparent frankness, is a shrewd judge 
of men, and understands well how to impose upon them, to flat- 
ter their vanity, to gain their confidence, to excite their zeal and 
to make them subservient to his interests. Conscious of being the 
possessor of these qualities, and knowing the powerful eifect of 
an imperial smile, and of the flattering words of so mighty a 
ruler, he came to England seemingly to pay homage to its youth- 
ful Queen, but in reality to prevent the realization of her hopes, 
to court her ministers, to advance his own designs, and to satisfy 
the furies of hatred and revenge within his breast. He came to 
prevent the expected visit of Louis Philippe, orat least to frus- 
trate the endeavors of that monarch to gain popularitv in Eng- 
land. He came to encourage the Tory party to stand firm to 
their old principles, to reward old friends, and to gain new ones; 
to assure the Peel Ministry of his high esteem and friendly sen- 
timents, to persuade. them that Russia is the natural ally of Eng- 
land, and France, on the contrary, its natural enemy, and to drop 
some insidious words tending to show his readiness to assist Eng- 
land should she find herself obliged to oppose — as he thoug-ht she 
tvould do — with arms the evidently ambitious plans of France. 
In a word, he came to England in view to frustrate all schemes 
of a close alliance between that country and France, and to 
make Great Britain the pay-master out of her own purse, and 
the ally of the three Great Despots when they would think fit to 
assail France. 

But the visit which the Emperor of Russia in appearance paid 
the British Queen cannot be supposed to have been very pleasant 
to her. Can there be any sympathy between two hearts of which 
the one feels deeply for the miseries of mankind and the other 
seems to riot in cruelties '? Can the dove rejoice at the sight of 
the bird of prey ? Can the exterior beauty of the royal tiger 
make us forget its savage nature ? Could the generous Victoria 
see the Russian Emperor without remembering the sufTerings of 
his victims? and was it not natural that she would feel loathing 
at the presence of the inexorable tyrant ? 

Infatuated with self-love as the Emperor Nicholas is, he could 
hardly have concealed from himself the fact, that Queen Victo- 
ria would feel some embarrassment on receiving the visit of the 
deadly enemy of a king for whom she then entertained the 
greatest regard, and whom she was anxious to welcome as her 
honored guest. But accustomed to act without regard for the 
feelings of others, and sure to be received with all the formalities 
due to his rank, he cared not for the uneasiness and trouble which 
he caused a lady and a sovereign. This was no evidence of the 



46 

nice feelings and of the delicacy which were to be expected from 
a prince, who pretends, to be a complete gentleman, and as we 
know, is provoked to fury by the smallest transgression against 
the prescribed etiquette at his own court. 

Though the Czar did not gain all his objects by visiting Eng- 
land, there can be no doubt that, during his short stay there, he 
carried many points which his most skilful diplomatists would 
have attempted in vain. To his insinuatione, is unquestionably 
to be attributed the hostile attitude which the English Cabinet, 
without any just cause, on a sudden assumed towards France. 
It is almost impossible that so cautious a statesman as Sir Ro- 
bert Peel would, if not for some certain purpose, have been in- 
duced to use in the House of Commons on the Olaheite ques- 
tion, such expressions as might easily have caused a war with 
France, or made it necessary for him to resign his place. And 
when we take into due consideration the character of the man, the 
time, and certain facts, much sagacity is not necessary to see 
that the chief object of the dexterous premier was to show the 
Autocrat in the most acceptable way, that he was neither un- 
mindful of his imperial majesty's suggestions, nor ungrateful for 
the flattering assurances of esteem and friendship, which the 
Czar had bestowed upon him. Besides, persuaded of the power- 
ful aid of Russia, the British Premier was not ashamed to use 
language only fit for an impetuous and inconsiderate youth ; be- 
cause he knew well that it would be hailed by the unanimous 
applause of his whole party, and that it would make him the fa- 
vorite of the mighty enemies of France. How posterity will judge 
Sir Robert Peel for having hazarded a war with France, lor 
motives so selfish and mean, without any justifiable cause, is not 
difficult to determine. 

It was nothing more than what was to be expected that the 
Emperor of Russia should be able to set on fire the hatred and the 
jealousy which lay glimmering within the breasts of the Tories 
against France. Therefore we had no reason to be surprised at 
the furious cries which that parly after the Emperor's visit to 
England raised against France. But we could not without much 
sorrow observe how many of the popular party re-echoed these 
absurd bravadoes, and joined the enemies of the rights of the peo- 
ple, in menacing with the vengeance of combined Europe a 
nation which has so gloriously vindicated the sovereignty of the 
people. The pretences under which these clamors were raised 
against France, were too frivolous to be regarded even for a mo- 
ment, as the real causes. The feverish state in which we then 
saw so great a part of the English nation, was undoubtedly pro- 
duced by the machinations of foreign powers and the influence 
of the aristocratic party. The purpose was not an immediate 
war with France, but the wish to prevent the intended visit of 



47 

Louis Philippe to England, and to alienate from each other the 
two great nations whose mutual friendship, it was feared, would 
be productive at last of the establishment of constitutional govern- 
ments everywhere in Europe. 

The Russian Emperor not satisfied with all the sufferings he 
had already inflicted upon humanity, with having sacrificed 
heroic Poland to his vengeance, and populated Siberia with her 
noblest sons, and with carrying on a war of extirpation against 
the brave Caucasian mountaineers, scattered also his gold over 
England as a seed of discord, which might involve all Europe 
in a horrible war. But the time was come when he was himself 
to feel the agonies he had, with unrelenting severity, caused to 
vast numbers of his fellow beings. Sympathizing as we can- 
not but do for the father whom death deprived of a tenderly 
beloved and most amiable daughter, it is to be wished that the 
lacerated heart of the French monarch vv^ould prove itself, here- 
after, more sensible to human sufferinos. 

The angry feelings manifested in England in consequence of 
the Otaheite question, and the visit of the Emperor of Russia to 
that country — it was generally supposed — would prevent Louis 
Philippe from realizing his intention of repaying the visit of 
Queen Victoria. But this sagacious politician knew better what 
would promote his interests, and what was due to the sincere 
feelings of friendship which the English Queen felt toward him, 
therefore accompanied by M. Guizot, he came to England and 
turned the general opinion completely in his favor. True it is, the 
aristocracy received him not very heartily, nor does he appear to 
have acquired many new friends among them, but he gained the 
affection of the English people in general, and confirmed the 
sentiments which Queen Victoria already entertained towards 
him. The most important acquisition, however, which he and 
M. Guizot together made, was the friendship of Lord Aberdeen 
— the then minister of Foreign Affairs — a man highly respected by 
all aristocrats throughout Europe, and a thorough aristocrat him- 
self. But Lord Aberdeen's friendship is, undoubtedly, one of 
the chief causes of the ruin of the Orleans dynasty, because.it 
opened to Louis Philippe the sure prospect of realizing a part of 
his ambition; but at the same time became the means of in- 
ducing him and M. Guizot to suppress yet more the democratic 
spirit in France, in view to acquire the friendship of the great 
European Cabinets and of the aristocratic party in general. 
There can be no doubt that M. Guizot was advised by Lord 
Aberdeen how to act in view to promote the interest of the 
Orleans dynasty; and it is but just to add, that M. Guizot ap- 
peared to have entertained the plausible opinion, ihat to promote 
the interest of that family was equivalent to promote the interest 
of France, and so it was in apolitical point of view; but M. 



48 

Guizot seems to have forgotten that there existed a surer and still 
more laudable means of rendering France powerful, that means 
being to promote the principles of democracy and the cause of 
freedom, and thus to gain the affection of the European people 
in general. 

At the subsequent visit which Queen Victoria made to Fiance, 
Lord Aberdeen accompanied her, and on this occasion it was 
decided that the Queen of Spain was to choose herself a husband, 
with the proviso that she was not to select one among Louis 
Philippe's sons — as this would possibly be a means of disturbing 
the so-called equilibrium of Europe, and was contrary to the old 
treaty of Utrecht, a treaty a hundred times transgressed ; but on 
ihe other hand it was conceded to the king of France, the right to 
ask for the hand of the sister of the Queen of Spain for the Duke 
of Montpensier — with the proviso, that this marriage was not to 
take place until the Queen of Spain was married herself 

Meanwhile, it was clearly perceived that the French Cabinet 
began to pursue a policy more and more opposite to the wishes 
of the French people in general, and that the government was 
more desirous of acquiring the applause of the rulers of foreign 
nations than of the French themselves. The proud character of 
M. Guizot would not concede the least jot to the opposition, and 
perhaps, because, conscious of his wrong course he might there- 
fore have been the more anxious of complete success as he 
knew well that in the eyes of the vulgar, it w^ould be the most 
valid excuse. But the more dissatisfied the French began to be, 
the more copious was the praise bestowed upon M. Guizot in 
foreign countries. All the moneyed men and all those engaged 
in commercial pursuits, considered him as the surest pillar of the 
continuation of peace — caring no more than what the aristocrats 
by birth do for the welfare of mankind in general, and for the 
liberty of the masses, they paid their tribute of applause to that 
minister who promoted their sordid interests. M. Guizot was 
called in the German, English, and American papers, too, 
the g;reat minister, and it was said that he and the great king 
of France were just the very men of whom the French stood in 
want, as the most able to subdue the violent passions and the 
mutinous spirit of that nation. 

The policy pursued by the French Government at last acquir- 
ed for it the friendship of almost all the European Cabinets, and 
even of that of Russia ; though the Emperor Nicholas appears 
to have maintained his personal dislike of the King of France. 
This success induced M. Guizot still more to oppose the just 
claims of the friends of liberty among the French; therefore, 
though supported by the w^ealthy men of France, and by the ma- 
jority of the Chambers, it was easy for every one who visited that 
country during the latter part of 1846, and in the course of the 



49 

last year, and who took pains to investigate this matter, to per- 
ceive that M. Guizot, as well as his master, had lost their former 
popularity and that neither of them was longer loved by the mass 
of the people. 

Meanwhile a change had also happened in the friendly rela- 
tions which had existed between the French and the English Ca- 
binets, the cause of which I will here briefly allude fo. 

At the formation of the present Whig ministry Lord Pal- 
merston became as we know, minister for the foreign affairs of 
England. But it was soon made evident that the king of France 
and M. Guizot either harbored the suspicion that Lord Palmer- 
ston would attempt to prevent the marriage between the Spa- 
nish Infanta, the sister of the Queen of Spain, and the Duke of 
Montpensier, or that they would by surprise repay him the se- 
cresy with which he had signed the treaty of July, 1840. 
Be this as it will, the wish to see one of the French 
princes married with a Spanish princess was realized with 
much adroitness. Louis Philippe and M. Guizot with the 
aid of Queen Christina managed it so well that the mar- 
riages between the Spanish Queen and her cousin, and the 
younger princess of Spain and the Duke of Montpensier, were 
celebrated at the same time and with such haste that Lord Pal- 
merston was unquestionably taken by surprise. The anger 
which this minister manifested at this event, was undoubtedly 
in part caused by the evidence the king of France and M. Gui- 
zot had thus given of the distrust they harbored towards him. 
There had been much dispute on which side justice was in this 
affair. I am on my part of the opinion that justice was unques- 
tionable on the side of the king of France and M. Guizot. It 
is in vain to tell us that this marriage was contrary to the treaty 
of Utrecht. That treaty broken a hundred times can surely not 
be considered valid ; besides, such is the literal sense of the para- 
graph alluded to in,that treaty, that the marriage of the Spanish In- 
fanta with the Duke of Montpensier was no infringement of it. 
The English ministers had no right to mix themselves in the 
Spanish affairs. It belonged to none but the Spanish people to 
look out that nothing was done contrary to their true interests. 
The marriage of the Duke of Montpensier with the Spanish 
princess was nowise injurious to France, consequently the French 
had no cause to be displeased with it. On the contrary, it might 
be reasonable to hope that that marriage would be a means of 
strengthening the power of France. Here we have the cause of all 
the angry feelings manifested in England with that marriage. 
The English, conscious, in spite " of what shallow politicians and 
ignorant journalists" may say of the superior power of France, 
have always m.anifested,* and did even on the occasion alluded 
* This their great historian, Mr. Hume, admits. 
4 



50 

to, manifest much jealousy against the French, and hatred to- 
wards Louis Philippe and M.. Guizot — who from being lauded 
in the most flattering terms, now became the objects of all pos- 
sible invectives. 

I think that the opinion which M. Thiers, as well as " Le Con- 
stitutionnel," his supposed organ, espoused, was just; that the 
marriage itself between the Spanish Infanta and the Duke of 
Montpensier, was justifiable and defensible, but that the French 
Cabinet and the king himself had not treated Lord Palmerston 
and the English Cabinet, and perhaps even Queen Victoria, 
with becoming courtesy. It must be admitted that in this respect 
Lord Palmerston had just cause to be displeased with the French 
Cabinet, and I cannot forbear to think that Louis Philippe as 
well as M. Guizot wished to take revenge upon him for his con- 
duct in regard to the so-called Eastern Question, and that they 
also might have hoped to involve him in such difficulties that he 
would find himself obliged to resign — and if this was their ob- 
ject it was very nearly attained ; because the enemies of Lord 
Palmerston within England, and even some members within the 
English Cabinet itself, did all in their power to cause his resig- 
nation. But supported by the friendship of Lord Russell, and 
aided by his eminent qualities. Lord Palmerston overcame the 
intrigues of his external as well as of internal adversaries. His 
triumph was the more glorious, as all the aristocrats throughout 
all Europe hate him, and consider him as a deserter from their 
cause, and a person too much desirous of acquiring popular 
favor. 

Louis Philippe and M. Guizot acted, unquestionably, very 
unwise in irritating such an able diplomat as Lord Palmerston, 
in running the risk of losing the friendship of Queen Victoria 
and in rousing the jealousy of the English. It was a flagrant 
error because the power of the Orleans family in France de- 
pended in a great part upon the general opinion among the 
French that Louis Philippe himself was the surest guarantee for 
the lasting friendship between France and England — which 
friendship was justly considered as of the highest importance for 
both France and England. The French people, therefore, when 
they saw that Louis Philippe had run the risk of incurring the 
enmity of England for the aggrandizement of his own family, and 
that he was no more a medium of friendship between them and 
the EngHsh, began in general to consider him as a superfluous 
person. 

Still ere the marriage between the Duke of Montpensier and 
the Spanish Infanta had taken place, apart of the opposition within 
as well as without the Chambers, had vehemently blamed the 
French Cabinet for sacrificing the dignity and true interests of 
France in order to please the English Government. This re- 



51 

proach was in some respects not altogether undeserved. Conse- 
quently it became a new reproach against the Cabinet, and even 
against the King personally, that a friendship which had been so 
dearly bought was on the verge of being lost solely for the ag- 
grandizement of the royal family. It is, however, but just to 
observe that Louis Phili[3pe and his Ministers entertained unques* 
tionably also the hope that France itself would reap much be- 
nefit from the nearer connexion between the royal families of 
that country and of Spain. This hope cannot be said to have 
been altogether unfounded, though on the other hand it may be 
objected that no reliance can be placed on family connexions 
between royal houses, as history evidently proves that such hopes 
have a hundred times been totally frustrated. 

The most eminent leaders of the opposition, however, blamed 
not the government for the marriage itself, but for the manner in 
which it had been brought about, and for the discourtesy shown 
to Lord Palmerstofl. The opinion which M. Thiers on this oc- 
casion pronounced was really that of a great statesman, and at the 
same time proved that he entertained no rancour against Lord 
Palmerston, nor any desire to injure M. Guizot. 

Though, in truth, there was no room for the French to be dis- 
pleased with the Spanish marriage, it was nevertheless made by 
the enemies of the King and his Cabinet a means of depriving 
them of a great share of the popularity they had before enjoyed. 
But in the same proportion as the Government began to lose the 
confidence of the French people, in the same proportion it showed 
itself anxious to gain the friendship of the great Cabinets of Eu- 
rope ; but as ihe animosity which, in consequence of the Spanish 
marriage, had arisen between Lord Palmerston on the one side 
and M. Guizot on the other, had alienated England and France 
from each other, the French Cabinet showed itself so much more 
ready to court, by every means possible, the friendship of just 
those powers who hated the French people. This became evi- 
dent from the policy pursued in regard to Switzerland and Italy, 
and from the steps taken against some of the Polish exiles, who 
had sought an asylum in France; and still more palpable from the 
stubbornness and even scorn with which the Cabinet opposed the 
just claims of the popular party in regard to the electoral reform, 
which had many able advocates within the Chamber of Depu- 
ties, and among them principally Messieurs P. Duvergier de Hau- 
ranne and Remusat. But instead of listening to the voices that 
advanced the rights of a generous nation, the French Ministers 
shut their ears, and supported by the majority of the Chamber of 
Deputies — a majority elected solely by the influence of the mo- 
neyed men of France — they frustrated all the attempts of the 
popular party to enlarge the right of election. We must here 
observe, that the constitution of France was so faulty, that there 



52 

existed among a population of more than 34,000,000 only about 
200,000 electors. 

The success with which all the violent attempts against Louis 
Philippe had been frustrated, had made no less the King than his 
Ministers too sanguine, that no outbreak of popular displeasure 
could shake the stability of his government. Consequently they 
neglected proper opportunities of gaining popularity at home ; 
and were only concerned how to avert every attempt from abroad 
on the death of the King to prevent his grandson irom inheriting 
the throne. It must be admitted that the policy pursued in regard 
to foreign powers was very successful, and that Louis Philippe 
and M Guizot had been able to reconcile the members of the 
Holy Alliance and the aristocratic party with the dynasty of July, 
lySO. But on the other hand, without their own knowledge, 
they lost every day more ground within France, and augmented 
the number of displeased Frenchmen in the same proportion as 
they rose in estimation in the eyes of the foreign Cabinets. The 
friendship of the bitter enemies of France was preferred to the 
love of the most generous and chivalrous people in the world. It 
is evident that the throne of Louis Philippe from that time stood 
upon a too frail foundation. How was it possible that men so 
sagacious as Louis Philippe and M. Guizot could deceive them- 
selves so grossly ? Providence made them blind in order to pre- 
pare the way for a better social state in Europe. We may be 
allowed to entertain this joyous hope. 

Still the French Cabinet was able, supported as it was by the 
majority of the Chambers and by the great talents of M. Guizot 
and M. Duchatel — the only men of superior qualities after the 
resignation of Marshal Soult, among the French Ministers — to 
withstand the vigorous attacks upon the administration by the 
gifted leaders of the opposition within the Chambers. It suffered, 
however, somewhat in the public estimation by the detection of the 
corrupt practices of M. Teste and General Cubieres, ex-ministers 
of the same Cabinet ; but no suspicion was ever entertained that 
M. Guizot was implicated in these blameable transactions, or 
that he had in the least degree made himself unworthy of the fair 
fame he enjoyed for unsullied morality. 

Meanwhile the great majority of the French, the Germans, and 
the Italians had arrived at the full conviction that they were kept in 
a state of bondage, which was unworthy of rational beings. The 
freedom enjoyed by the French was very great in proportion with 
what the aristocrat and priest-ridden people of England ever have 
tasted, and much greater than that of which the Germans and 
Italians were in possession. Among the latter, however, had 
suddenly arisen a noble champion of the rights of man in the very 
person of the present Pope. Every generous heartbeats with sym- 
pathy for this worthy disciple of Christ. Still the French Govern- 



53 

ment seemed disinclined to assist liim in his glorious attempts to 
regenerate Italy. Even the liberal party in Switzerland was soon 
aware that it could not rely on the aid of France. M. Guizo! 
and his master were too anxious to preserve the friendship of the 
crowned servants who had dared to usurp the power which solely 
belonged to their sovereigns, the people themselves. Lord Pal- 
merston, happily for his own glory, pursued a different course of 
policy, and showed himself as the friend of those who advocated 
the sacred rights of man. They were soon to earn the different 
fruits in accordance with the different kind of seed they had 
sown. While Louis Philippe and M. Guizot had to seek safety 
in a precipitate flight from the vengeance of a people they had 
driven to violence, it is yet in the power of Lord Palmerston 
to earn an immortal name in the cause of suffering humanity. 

But having outstripped the events, we will take a retrospective 
view of the immediate causes v^diich produced these unexpected 
results. 

The French nation had for some lime been divided into five 
great parties. 

First. The Conservative Party, which was lately in possession 
of power, and which was headed by M. Guizot. The members 
of this party consisted chiefly of the moneyed men of France and 
of those who thought that the French were in the enjoyment of 
as great a share of liberty as was necessary for them, and safe to 
established order. This party was sincerely attached to the King, 
as they considered him the surest guarantee of the stability of 
their own prerogatives and lasting influence upon the public 
affairs. It was on this party that ftl, Guizot chiefly relied, and by 
the aid of which he had been able to preserve his place for so 
many years. It cotistituted in fact the aristocracy of France, and 
was infected with all the prejudices which are common to all 
aristocrats. They felt no sympathy for the mass of the people, 
and cared more for their own personal interests than for those of 
the nation in general. 

Second. The constitutional, or as they were called, the Dynastic 
opposition, because, though opposed to the policy pursued by 
the existing Cabinet, they were friends of the Orleans dynasty, 
but at the same time, advocates of necessary reforms and of the 
obligation of the government, to listen to the just claims of the 
people and to realize those hopes which were built upon the re- 
volution of 1S30 This party was headed by Messieurs Thiers 
and Odilon Barrot, and was composed of men, who were the 
only fit to preserve the monarchy, and at the same time, meet the 
wis'nes of the majority of the French. 

Third. The Legitimists — headed by the talented M. Berryer — 
the greatest living orator. This party viewed Louis Philippe as 
an usurper, and accounted it for their greatest glory, that they 



54 

had sought for no favors of a man, who had violated his faith 
against his lawful sovereign, and whose death, they hoped w^ould 
give opportunity for the elder branch of the Bourbons once more 
to ascend the throne of France. This party was mostly composed 
of the old aristocracy of France ; but was almost powerless as 
they rnet with no sympathies among the mass of the people. 

Fourth. The old Republican party, composed chiefly of jour- 
nalists, young litterateurs, lawyers, officers, and as the London 
Quarterly Review justly says, of the grandsons of the Jacobins 
and the sons of the Bonapartists — ihey weroi, indeed, not so few 
as the Tory principled Review just alluded too, imagines — but 
still I am willing to concede the truth of these words, that " they 
were particularly formidable for their intelligence, activity, zeal, 
and discipline — and the watch words of Republic and Bonaparte 
— which prophetic pledges assured them of great weight and au- 
thority in any agitation that might arise." Their most prominent 
leaders were Dupont de I'Eure, an old lawyer of the first revolu- 
tion, the learned Arago, and Gamier Pages, in the Chamber of 
Deputies ; and Marrast and his colleagues oi" the National. 

Fifth. This party was composed of the most discordant ele- 
ments. It numbered among its members many generous and 
philanthropic souls, but also, a great number of unprincipled and 
bad characters. The Communists constituted its chief part — 
whose views, as we know, border at once on the most sublime 
conceptions and the most crazy visions. Some of them entertain 
the loftiest ideas, and others again, are hoping for the realization 
of their sordid wishes. They number among them, men who ad- 
vocate a kind of community of properly — that labor and its pro- 
duce should be in partnership — that competition should be 
abolished, and work and wages so distributed and regulated by 
the state, as to equalize the condition of each individual in the 
community. To which was added a theorem — practically at- 
tempted after the last revolution — ihat the claims of labor are not 
satisfied by wages, but that the workman is entitled to a proprie- 
tary share in the capital which employs him. Advocating such 
principles, it was no v.'onder that this party numbered a 
great many workmen among them. This party, seemingly 
busied in combinations relative to hours of labor, rates and 
wages, prices of task-work, &c., were ready banded and disci- 
plined for any political purposes in which they by circumstances 
might be called upon to participate. Wronoed and injured 
as the laboring classes had been by the preponderating influence 
of wealth, it is not to be wondered that they were ready to seek 
for alleviation, and though we may be obliged to laugh at their 
simplicity and ignorance of national economy, we cannot but 
sympathize for their suffl-rings and feel assured that they had 
right to seek for redress. One of their chief leaders was M. Louis 



55 

.Blanc, who, in 1839 had published a little work called " Organiza- 
tion du Travail," — in which he attributes all the woes and misery 
of the world exclusively to the competition for ivork — and in 
which he proves himself an altogether incompetent judge on the 
very subject he had undertaken to treat on. He had also written 
another work called, " Histoire de Dix Ans," — in which he dis- 
plays, undoubtedly, much knowledge and even talent ; but in 
which he also proves himself to be in want of that experience 
which is necessary for a man, who aspires to play the part of 
a practical statesman. Besides M. Louis Blanc and other 
journalists of the jRp/orwe; there was had also aleader of this party 
in the Chamber, in the person of M. Ledru-RoUin. This party was, 
however, in general, composed of respectable men, but had also 
a great number of members, among whom, also, were many 
foreigners of the most reckless, violeiit, and depraved character. 

The government of France could thus only rely upon the sup- 
port of a porportionally very small minority. The king had lost 
his popularity among the mass of the people, and the army en- 
tertained but indifferent feelings towards him. His eldest son — 
the Duke of Orleans, who had many qualities which had made 
him dear to the people, was by a deplorable accident, dead. The 
Duke of Nemours was not endowed with the affability of man- 
ners,' nor with those liberal and elevated sentiments which could 
make him the favorite of Frenchmen, though he is a man of 
much courage. The Prince of Joinville was a real Frenchman 
in heart — but was not in Paris at the time, when perhaps, his 
presence would have saved the throne of his father. 

In this slate of affairs, the French Cabinet had the imprudence 
to declare that they were resolved to forbid the celebration of the 
so-called Reform Banquet — which in itself was no illegal act, 
though it might have had the tendency of inflaming the people 
with more ardent feelings for a more enlarged freedom. In spite 
of the warnings which many of the ablest men among the oppo- 
sition within the Chamber of Deputies uttered, M. Guizot as 
well as M. Duchatel scornfully answered that they would use 
force if necessary in order to maintain the resolution which the 
Cabinet had taken. Though the leaders of the opposition, and 
the most influential members within the Chambers, declared 
their intention not to be present at the Banquet alluded to, in 
order to prevent any violent conflict between the government 
and its adversaries, M. Odilon Barrot and some other mem- 
bers of the opposition at last thought them justified in impeach- 
ing the Ministers. 

This was the signal for the revolution of February. Though 
M. Guizot opposed a calm countenance to the attacks within 
the Chamber, he saw that to defeat his enemies without — the 
most vigorous measures were necessary, and which, he therefore 



56 

recommended should be taken. Louis Philippe, however, who 
on so many other similar occasions, but mark — ivhen he had a 
better cause to defend — had proved himself so courageous and 
energetic, was on the contrary, at this important crisis, vacillat- 
ing and timorous, as if his conscience had told him that he was 
in the wrong. He attempted by the sacrifice of M. Guizot and 
his colleagues to dissipate the thunder-clouds that were gather- 
ing round his t'.irone ; but instead of calling at once to his aid the 
talents of M. Thiers, he lost time by entrusting Count Mole with 
the formation of a new Ministry. Though the news of the re- 
signation of the Guizot ministry was received with joy, the ap- 
pointment of Count Mole as Prime Minister did not satisfy the 
wishes of the Parisians. The command over the regular troops 
which numbered no more than about 40,000 men in Paris and 
its vicinity, was meanwhile upon the advice of M. Guizot, com- 
mitted into the hands of Marshal Bugeaud ; who declared him- 
self confident of being able to defeat all violent attempts of the 
people against the king's authority. There can be very little 
doubt, that this experienced warrior would have been able to ac- 
complish his purpose, though he could not depend but upon the 
regular army, and perhaps two thirds of the national guard, that 
will leave say about 80,000 men in all. The national guard 
numbered about 60,000 men, but a third part thereof belonged 
either to the fourth or fifth of the parties already mentioned, and 
it cannot reasonably be supposed that they would have permitted 
themselves to have been made the instruments of defeating those 
with whom they associated in views and wishes. 

The king, however, was soon made aware that Count Mole 
would not answer his purpose, and took consequently the reso- 
lution to send for M. Thiers, who, on the promise of the king to 
associate with him in the ministry M. Odilon Barrot, declared 
himself ready to form a new ministry and soothe the resentment 
of the Parisians. But as he at the same time declared himself 
unwilling to permit Marshal Bugeaud to execute the nightly as- 
sault upon the barricades and their defenders as was his avowed 
intention ; the king yielded also in this respect to the wishes 
of M. Thiers, and appointed his brother-in-law, General Lamor- 
iciere to the chief command of the troops. 

But two days had meanwhile been lost, the republican party 
aided by the communists anci a great number of those foreigners 
that dwelt in Paris, had gained more confidence, and though 
at first only aiding the Dynastic opposition to overthrow the 
Guizot Cabinet, they had grown confident that the time was 
come when there was great hope that success would follow a 
bold attempt to establish a republic. The results proved that 
they had good reason for such an opinion, still they owe 
their victory unquestionably to the circumstance that M. Thiers 



57 

prevented Marshal Bageaud from executing his plan, which, in 
a military point of view was excellent, but which would have 
caused tne loss of thousands of human lives, and have inflicted 
a deplorable and deep wound upon the cause of freedom. 

M. Thiers as well as M, Odilon Barrot are called in that able, 
but thoroughly aristocratic English Review already alluded to, 
weak men ; because they would not buy victory with streams of 
blood, nor surround the throne of Louis Philippe with thousands 
of slaughtered bodies of the friends of freedom. Their attempt 
to support the Orleans dynasty, was, as we know, fruitless, but 
not in consequence of any inability on their part, but from the 
cause that the king had tarried too long to seek for their aid. 
The triumph of the republican party must not be viewed as a 
defeat of those principles, whose advocates M. Thiers and M. 
Odilon Barrot were. The republican party can nowise be said 
to be more friends of freedom, than those are who advocate a 
constitutional monarchy. It proves only ignorance to think that 
repubhcs always have been the asylums of freedom, or mo- 
narchies the home of tyranny. The majority of the people of 
Rome enjoyed no enviable freedom. Nor is an American 
citizen more free than an inhabitant of Norway. 

We who have for a long series of years advocated the free- 
dom of the people and the just claims of every man to enjoy his 
natural rights, have surely a right to glory in the triumph the 
cause of freedom has won in France ; but we have also a right 
to warn the people of Europe against those demagogues, who have 
nothing in view but the realization of their own sordid interests. 
We know our duty ; but we will first say a few words of the 
known enemies of freedom. 

Neither Louis Philippe nor M. Guizot can justly be reproach- 
ed for any despotic act, strictly speaking; but they deserved the 
fate which befel them in consequence of having attempted to 
oppose the just claims of the French, and frustrating the hopes 
which in 1830 were kindled in the heart of every friend of free- 
dom. We cannot deplore their downfall, and we have a right to 
rejoice in the triumphs of the cause of freedom. Still we ought 
not to load them with any undue reproaches. We ought to re- 
member, that the enemies of freedom do also feel joy in the mis- 
fortune which has happened to these eminent men; because they 
consider them as justly punished for their desertion in 1830 from 
their ranks, and for their adherence then to the popular cause. Vic- 
torious as we are, we ought to be generous, and ought not to abuse 
men whose errors are triflinij in comparison with the great 
crimes against humanity which those have committed, who are 
powerful enough to deprive us of the advantages which we may 
justly hope to earn in consequence of the glorious victory won by 
the heroic people of Paris. We ought to remember, that little 



58 

is done as yet, and take care that our enemies will not cheat us 
as they did after the revolution of 1830. 

The nnost formidable enemy to the freedom of the people of 
Europe is undoubtedly the Russian Emperor. Still his gigan- 
tic stature, his iiandsome face, his sonorous voice, his command- 
ing look, his energy, his firmness, his activity, his insinuating 
affability, and !iis household virtues, induce many to forget his 
awful revengefulness, his insensibity to human sufferings, and his 
implacable hatred to popular rights. The rich gifts nature has 
bestowed upon him, his accomplishments, and his private vir- 
tues, have become the veil of his cruel actions, and the means of 
diminishing the indignation which his unrelenting severity and 
his outrages against humanity naturally arouse in every noble 
heart. Butthoughitisourduty to make fair allovv'ance for the frailty 
of human nature and the strong temptation of uncontrolled power, 
we greatly err if we regard a stately figure, an attractive 
countenance, a vigorous mind, an engaging deportment and gra- 
vity of manner, as apologies for the barbarous treatment of mil- 
lions of human beings. Indeed the man whose heart seems 
open to all the endearments of domestic life, and still inflicts in- 
describable miseries on thousands of families, guilty of no crime, 
and who sends thousands of unhappy Poles to perish in the Ural 
mines, their sons to wash the rocks of the Caucasus with their 
blood, their wives to beg their bread, and their daughters to the 
camps — is the more to be dreaded, as his cruelty is not a passion 
but a principle. Persuaded that he is acting rightly, he feels no 
repentance, but triumphs in the agonies of his victims. 

If the Emperor Nicholas were a tyrant, destitute of every vir- 
tue, and of an ungovernable temper, he would, like the madman 
Constantine, his brother, soon exhaust the patience of human en- 
durance. Hatred and contempt would bring home to him due 
punishment for the unjustifiable cruelties he has committed 
against so many of his fellow-beings; and there would be no 
necessity to draw him before the bar of public opinion to make 
his real character known, to rouse against him the general indig- 
nation of mankind, and to warn the friends of freedom against 
his ambitious machinations. Bui being endowed with so many 
qualities worthy of a great monarch, and subjecting his revenge 
and enmity to reason, he inspires generally more awe than aver- 
sion, and intimidates even more than exasperates those who are 
the objects of his anger. 

It is to this able and powerful monarch all the petty tyrants of 
Europe now look for assistance. Nothing would cause more 
rejoicing to the majority of the European Princes and all the 
aristocratic party, than that this modern Attila would take the re- 
solution to inundate Europe with his barbarous hosts. Should 
this take place, we will see how many of those who now have 



59 

assumed the mask of being the friends of freedom, would hasten 
to avow their real sentiments, and gather around the Russian 
standards. 

Next to the Emperor of Russia, the Tories of Great Britain 
are the most to be dreaded among the enemies of freedom; — but 
for them the revolution of 1789 would have produced by far 
more beneficial results than it did. The chief members of this 
powerful party consists of the majority of the great lords of 
Great Britain and the clergy of the English Church. These 
proud noblemen, and intolerant and narrow minded prelates, are the 
most inveterate enemies of liberty. The former equally insolent, as 
they with few exceptions, are stupid and ignorant, feast, generally 
speaking, every day at luxurious banquets, and many of them 
are every evening throwing forth mountains of gold on the gam- 
ing tables, and are not ashamed to lavish precious jewels and 
diamonds upon seduced beauty or abandonerj prostitutes. The 
latter, who in everything, are the very opposites to the weak and 
benevolent teachers of the sublime doctrine of mutual love, are 
chiefly concerned in chaining the reason of the English people, 
in order to fleece them to their very ribs. The Tories in general, 
think no means unfit, if by it they can gain their purposes. 
Cruelty, inhumanity, hypocricy, violation of every principle of 
justice or rule of decency, flatteries and menaces are used pro- 
miscuously to obtain their aims. The Tories are they who 
chiefly breed the thieves and prostitutes who lurk in the 
streets of the cities of England ; and they are the very men who 
fill the prisons of Great Britain with criminals, and populate the 
islands of the Pacific Ocean with transported wretches. First, they 
impoverish the husband, then they seduce his wife and his daugh- 
ters, and when their victims in despair and distress have com- 
mitted offences, often of little importance in a moral point of view, 
they cause inhuman punishmetits to be inflicted upon them by 
virtue of barbarous laws. How the Irish have been treated by the 
Tories, is known all over the civilized world. Do not the lamenta- 
tions of the oppressed sons of th.e Gem of the Sea, resound from 
every part of the globe ? Are we not daily seeing the generous chil- 
dren of Erin coming across the Atlantic's waves to seek a refuge 
in the bosom of America ? Do not the Tories scatter their gold 
everywhere over Europe in aid of despotism, while half the 
population of England is starving? What is the celebrated 
liberty of the English, but the liberty of the aristocracy and the 
priesthood to rob the people — not only of the last penny, but also 
of every social anmsement. After having spent the six days of 
the week at the theatres, at splendid routs and in debaucheries, the 
seventh day is welcomed as a day of rest. The laboring classes, 
who scarcely enjoy an hour's leisure, during the six working 
days, would probably be very pleased, after having on the Sun- 



60 

day forenoons, paid their devotion in the churches to the Supreme 
Being, to spend the afternoons of the same day, in some social 
amui^emenls. But the nobility wish not to be flisturbed in 
their sleep, and the priests are anxious to display their oratorical 
talents, and prove their zeal in the service of the master they pre- 
tend to serve, and therefore, all public amusements are prohibited 
on Sunday in Great Britain. It is this hypocritical pretence, 
this violation of man's liberty which drives hundreds of thou- 
sands of the laboring classes to the grogshops, and a no less 
number of clerks, journeymen, appretitices, and other young men 
to the houses, where faded beauty and corrupted virtue take am- 
ple revenge upon them for the broken promises, and the perjuries 
of their seducers — the high-born sons of the aristocracy. 

Thus the aristocrats of England, are not only the enemies of 
freedom, but of humanity also. The effect of their influence has 
been deplorable to Europe in general, but particularly for Eng- 
land. The riches which they possess have been the means 
by which they have been and are still able to do so much mis- 
chief. By this mea^is they corrupt the English press, and make 
many of the most talented men, not only of England, but also 
of other countries, the instruments of carrying their aims, which 
is to delude the English people and all other nations. Thus it 
happens, that while the great majority of the English themselves, 
and all the Irish are suffering oppressions, more grievous than any 
other people of Europe — perhaps the Poles excep'ed — deceived 
and ignorant men of all nations extol the freedom of England, 
and that even the people of Great Britain, in the midst of their 
agonies, think that they enjoy a far greater liberty than all other 
European nations. I solemnly assert, that were the government 
of Sweden and Norway to attempt, only for a single month, to 
treat the people of those countries in the same way as the people o f 
Great Britain are treated, the Swedes and the Nor'vegians would 
soon take bloody revenge upon their oppressors. Never was there 
a more systematic mode of oppressing a people, than that, which, 
during the lapse of centuries has been introduced into England. 
There does not exist any freedorr — but for the aristocracy and 
the wealthy. 

The English papers have called the Parisians the bravest peo- 
ple in the world because they overthrew the throne of Charles 
X. and Louis Philippe — are we to infer that the j^eople of Lon- 
don are the greatest cowards in the world because they lately 
shrank before the armed force opposed to them ? surely not. It 
was not the strength of their adversaries but the defection in their 
own ranks which intimidated them. We do not approve of all 
the principles of the Chartists, still we must concede that their 
cause is just. We do not wish to see them deluge London 
with the blood of the aristocracy, but we wish that they had 



61 

compelled their oppressors to give them a fair hearing. It was not 
the strength of their enemies that made them the laughing-stock of 
the world, but their poverty which induced them to take the gold 
the aristocracy oflered them. Nine tenths of the Chartists were 
unquestionably bribed, and we must excuse the poor fellows who 
took money and bought bread for their starving children rather 
than hazard their lives in a perilous attempt — still wo must regret 
that they were not more clear sighted. They had it in their 
power to compel the haughty aristocracy and the weahhy pre- 
lates to agree to their just claims, and then the morrow would 
have given them bread enough. Still if the laboring classes of 
England and the Irish people understand well their true interests, 
they will acquire the freedom which they have long been falsely 
told that they possessed ; but which they have never been allowed 
to taste. If they join their hands they are irresistible, and but 
little force will be wanting to induce the aristocracy to accede to 
their just claims; and if the Whig ministers put themselves sin- 
cerely at the head of the popular party, they will acquire the im- 
mortal glory of having saved Great Britain from the horror of 
a revolution which else sooner or later will deluge the United 
Kingdom with streams of blood. I do not doubt that Lord 
John Russell has the generous character which such a conduct 
requires; but there is now reason to suppot-e that he is in want 
of that energy which is no less necessary for heading such a 
movement. Should he really want this quality, he ought to give 
place to Lord Palmerston who surely has energy enough, and if 
I am not much mistaken, also the ambition of earning such an 
imperishable glory. 

But should the people of Ireland and the laboring classes of 
England be induced to take a hostile attitude towards each 
other, then the triumph of the Tories is certain, and no less the 
latter than the former wnll have to submit to their iron yoke. 
Should the laboring classes of England and the Irish be so unwise 
as to take a hostile attitude towards each other, then they will pre- 
pare the way for the victory of their common enemies, and will 
for a long time have to bewail their folly. May the Iritsh as well 
as the English people bear in mind that there is nothing to jus- 
tify them to bear animosity to each other, that they have the 
same Father in heaven, the same rights as his children ; that 
he has endowed them with reason ; and that they therefore are 
answerable to him and to him alone for their actions, and 
ought not to permit themselves to be induced to shed each others' 
blood in the cause of haughty aristocrats and hypocritical priests, 
as they may be assured that the one as well as the other of 
these privileged classes have no other aim in view than to prey 
upon them. 

The triumph of the Tories of Great Britain is the more to be 



63 

dreaded as they will then be enabled to scatter their gold over 
Europe in order to enable the enemies on the Continent 
to resist with more vigor the attempts of the friends of 
freedom to propagate this noble cause. We may be as- 
sured that though the aristocratical party, over all Europe was 
smnned at first at the news of the French revolution, they will 
now prove that they are not inclined without a hard struggle to 
give up their prerogatives and descend to the rank of citizens. 
The conduct of the king of Prussia is at least very suspicious, 
and I do not hesitate to say that I think that he would be glad to 
see the Emperor of Bussia with a formidable army at hand, to 
impress upon the minds of the Berlinians the lesson, not soon to 
be forgotten, that kings are the delegates of God and not of the 
people. 

The contest now going on between the Danes and the Ger- 
mans is the more to be deplored as it is but a trick of the Ger- 
man princes to divert the attention of the people of Germany 
from their internal affairs, and to breed jealousy and hatred be- 
tween the people themselves, who, it was feared, would else 
have joined their strength against their rulers. The war between 
the Italians and the Austrians is another very deplorable circum- 
stance, as whatever the result may be, the power of the princes 
will probably thereby be strengthened. 

Freedom would surely win an easy victory over despotism 
were it not for the folly of the people themselves, who on the in- 
stigation of their common enemies, like madmen, spill each 
others' blood, and glory in victories which prolong slavery. 

It proves only great ignorance of the true state of Europe, to 
imagine that the power of the privileged classes is yet annihi- 
lated. I am on the contrary fully convinced that it will cost 
vast effusions of blood, ere the cause of freedom will be trium- 
phant, and I predict its defeat, unless the European people dis- 
play no less wisdom than energy. May it be remembered that 
freedom can flourish under the garb of monarchy as well as of 
that, but that there exists no freedom where the sovereign power 
is not in the hands of the people. 

We have, however, good reason to entertain much hope that 
the cause of humanity is now about to acquire a signal triumph. 
Heroic France has again risen in vindication of the sacred rights 
of man. Experience has taught her wisdom, and her superior 
intelligence has told her that she would gain little by the change 
of the forms of government, unless she accomplishes a social 
reform. Standing, as she does, at the head of a republic of civili- 
zation, and populated as she is by the most enlightened people in 
the world, she is the most rife for such a reform, and is almost the 
only one that understands what is meant by it. She has shaken off 
the yoke by which the priesthood in so many other countries still 



63 

subdue the minds of the people, and she is not ambitious, by hy- 
pocrisy, to gain the reputation of being religious. She knows 
how to worship God without kneeling before his pretended ser- 
vants. She gives all her children equal rights, but she has also 
taught them all the elegance of manners and the social accom- 
plishments which prevents equality from being a patent for boor- 
ishntss or tiresome familiarity. Her laws, excelling as they do, 
those of almost all other nations, are not difficult to amend in 
conformity with the claims of reason and of humanity. Her 
rich soil, her genial climate, and the temperate habits of her inha- 
bitants, and their fondness for social amusements, make her a 
fit home of happiness and joy. It is thus to be hoped that she will 
become an example which all nations will do well to imitate. Still 
she h-^s yet many obstacles to overcome, and many are the dan- 
gers by which she is surrounded. Her afllairs are at present in 
feeble hands. Much as we admire the brilliant genius, the ardent 
eloquence, and the noble sentiments of M. de Lamartine,he surely 
appears not to be the man who is able to wrest unhappy Poland 
from the strong hands of the Emperor of Russia, to secure free- 
dom to Italy, and to aid the popular movements in Germany, 
Nor does M. Louis Blanc seem to be endowed with that experi- 
rience" and wisdom which would qualify him for accomplishing 
the social reform of France. As regards M. Ledru Rollin, I 
cannot forbear expressing my conviction that he is a man who 
bears in his character more the similarity of a despot than of a 
true friend to freedom. From M. Marrast I think we may justly 
expect something good, and I would not be surprised to see him 
playing an important part in the future events of France. 

Bui France is now in want of an able and firm statesman, 
who will know how to make the most proper use of all her 
resources, and to put her in such a situation that she may be able 
to aid the friends of freedom in all parts of Europe, and to col- 
lect around her standards all those who are desirous to make 
valid their rights as rational beings. It is a vain hope to think 
that the great question now at stake can be decided without blood- 
shed. The sword is drawn, and it will not rest in the scabbard 
until freedom or despotism shall have triumphed. Precious 
time has been lost, and it is to be feared that Austria will have de- 
feated the Italians, and the approach of the hosts of Russia have 
inspired the German Princes with a resolution not to yield to the 
wishes of the people of Germany, until France shall have assum- 
ed that att tude which will make her voice heard at the Council 
Boards of Vienna and Berlin, and stop the advance of the Rus- 
sian army. It is not solely by good wishes that France can dis- 
charge the grave mission that Providence has evidently com- 
mitted to her; but it is to be done by the most vigorous and ge- 
nerous acts. It were the most cruel and damnable policy France 



64 

could pursue, were she to permit Austria to frustrate the hopes 
of the Italians, or the German Princes to cheat again their people 
with false promises, or Poland longer to remain the victim of 
Russian tyranny. I cannot think for a moment that France 
would so cruelly disappoint our just expectations, and sure I am 
that she possesses at least one statesman who will never be the ac- 
complice in so cowardly and mean a policy. It is in vain to tell us 
that it would be philanthropy to avoid bloodshed, and to permit half 
of Europe to be enslaved again. France has not to fear defeat. 
She is strong in herself, and stronger by the just cause which she 
will have to defend. She also knows that on the Baltic shores 
there beat the heroic hearts of warrior nations, and that Scandi- 
navia stands prepared to bleed again in the cause of oppressed 
humanity. 

If mv most ardent wishes and inmost hopes are not deceived, 
I shall have the indescribable pleasure before I bring to a close 
the Universal History, now in course of publication, to do 
justice to those heroic men who will yet achieve the freedom of 
the nations of Europe, and gain an immortal name by laurels 
won in the holiest of causes. 




-^^^^1^?^ — -^^mm 



THE 



KIIS AND CABINETS OP iUROPi, 



THEIR VICTIMS. 



BY A SWEDE, 



tf 



NEW YORK: 
W. H. GRAHAM, TRIBUNE BUILDINGS. 

1848. 



^3^ -^-^3^^^ -^"^^ 



A UNIVERSAL HISTGHY: 

BEING A 

COMPLETE AND IMPARTIAL NARRATIVE 

O F T H E 

MOST REMARKABLE EVENTS OF ALL NATIONS, 

FROM THE EARLIEST PERiOD TO THE PRESENT TIWIE. 

FORMING A (X>M1'LETE 

HISTORY OF THE WORLD. 



The intentiens of the author of this work have been, not only to enlarge the menfal faculties, and to elevate thu 
ideas of hie readers, but to present to the world, in a new form, a Universal History, without prejudice and 
without partiality; being instructive for readers in general, aud at the same time worthy of the attention of 
Philosoj'hers, of Statesmen, of Lawgivers, and of Warrii. rs. 

The publisher offers to the public the first num'-.r of th? present work, with a confident hope, that, on its cem- 
pletion, if, will be entitled to a high rank among the stuida^d historical productions of the age ; and-that, in point 
Of oriirinal research, careful erudition, truthfulness of philosophy and of sjiivit, and elegance of style, it will 
equrii, if not surpass, the great works of the most distinguished writers of Universal History. 

The author has devoted many years to the study of history, and to the selection and preparation of the materials 
of this work. He has labored, not to compile from the writings of others a raere compendium of facts, but to 
obtain from original sources authentic accotmts of the condition and progress of the human race, and to reproduce 
anew an impartial view of the grand scenes of human hi?: xy, written in a spirit of comprehensive and liberal 
philosophy. He seems to have fulfilled that great histori-.al requisite of Mr. Macauley's remarks : " That in his- 
tory, the facts are given to find the principles, and the writer who does not explain the pheuomena, as well as state 
theui, performs only one half of his ofiice." 

In accordance with this requirement of history, the author not only arrays before the reader the great events of 
the human race, but also exhibits them in the light of those causes which called them into being. He contem- 
plates man as a being of progress, advancing towards his high destiny, not by the accident of a blind chance, but 
in fulfihnent of the wisely ordained plan of an overruling Providence. - In his hands history is a powerful means 
of promoting moral and social culture, and of developing a love and adoration of the Great Creator, by whom all 
things exist. 

The work, when completed, will embrace the lilstory of the human race, from its infancy to the present time. 
The portion of Ancient History will extend to the fall of the Konian Empire, and will be embraced in about four 
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